Debate contribution: A5 Western Transport Corridor Scheme
Debate contribution by Mr Daniel McCrossan on .
- MLA
- Mr Daniel McCrossan
- Party at the time
- Social Democratic and Labour Party
- Date
- 22 September 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Opposition Business
- Heading
- A5 Western Transport Corridor Scheme
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5123439
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I beg to move
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. First and foremost, we are thinking of all of those families who have lost loved ones on the A5 road since the scheme's announcement in 2007. They have suffered the worst possible consequences of that dangerous road: the loss of sons and daughters, husbands and wives, fathers and mothers, and friends and neighbours. The debate is not abstract. It is not about lines on a map or figures on a balance sheet; it is about people in West Tyrone, Derry, Donegal and beyond who live every single day with the reality of a dangerous, crumbling A5 road. Over 50 lives have been lost on the A5 since the project was first announced. Dozens more people have been left with life-changing injuries. Behind every statistic is a family and community left in grief. That is why the A5 Enough is Enough campaign exists. Families who should never have had to beg for a safe road have carried their pain with courage and dignity, determined to ensure that no one else endures what they have had to endure.
The road unites us in frustration, anger and our shared demand for something better. No party, community or tradition is untouched by the grief that the road has caused. Every family travelling on the A5 knows of the anxiety, the dread and the near misses. We are united by the pain that it has inflicted and in our frustration at seeing promise after promise broken.
The A5 scheme is not just about safety but about fairness. The A5 is the main artery that connects Derry, Strabane, Omagh and Tyrone to Dublin and the wider island economy. It is the gateway for trade, investment and jobs. It is vital for agriculture, hauliers and businesses who are trying to get their goods to market. Without the scheme, the north-west is shackled, investment is deterred, businesses look elsewhere and our young people are forced to leave to find opportunity elsewhere. Every delay has been a lost opportunity and has led to further loss of life. Every collapse has been another signal that this shambles of an Executive treats our region as second-class. Let us be absolutely clear about where the responsibility lies. The project has collapsed not once, not twice but three times, and the trend is clear. Each collapse was avoidable. Each collapse was the result of ministerial failure. Every collapse has the fingerprints of Sinn Féin Ministers all over it. The first failure was under Minister Conor Murphy, who failed to account for the requirements of the habitats directive, a fundamental oversight that left the project legally vulnerable. The second failure came when Sinn Féin collapsed the Assembly for a number of years. With no Minister in place, the permanent secretary lacked the authority necessary to proceed. The project was withdrawn, and years were lost because of Sinn Féin playing politics with people's lives. The third and most recent failure was under Minister John O'Dowd. The Planning Appeals Commission (PAC) produced a detailed report with clear recommendations for making the scheme robust. The report sat on the Minister's desk for a year — a year of inaction, a year wasted. When the case returned to the court, the judge was furious at the Department's clear failures. That is not the only time that the judge criticised the Department for Infrastructure: recently, he described it as a "laughing stock". What does that say about how the Department is being run? In the middle of the legal process for one of the biggest projects facing our people, Sinn Féin even swapped out its Ministers, signalling chaos and instability at the very moment when our people were demanding stability. That is not misfortune or bad luck; it is absolute incompetence at the heart of government, and, shockingly, it is repeated over and over again. While the dithering and bungling continues, the cost of the A5 has ballooned. When it began, the cost of the project was estimated at £800 million: it has now escalated to a shocking £2·1 billion. That escalation is due not just to inflation or delay but to mismanagement and a total failure to deliver. Families in the north-west are paying the price for Sinn Féin's incompetence in government in the North not only with their lives but with their money. Let me say something about the present condition of the A5 and roads across Tyrone. While we wait endlessly for promises that never materialise, the road is falling apart and is not fit for purpose, with potholes, dangerous patchwork repairs and crumbling surfaces. Vehicles are being damaged every day. Families who are already battling with a cost-of-living crisis are being hit with repair bills for tyres, suspension and wheels, all because the Executive have failed to invest in the west. People pay twice: once through taxes and again through their repair bills. That is unfair, unsustainable and unacceptable. Some in the House will be quick to point to former Minister Nichola Mallon. Let us be clear: when Minister Mallon held that office, she did her due diligence. She did not chase headlines prior to an election or rush decisions for political gain. She took the time to ensure that the scheme was legally robust and ready to proceed. She handed the project over in good faith, expecting her successors to see it through. Instead, what followed was years of incompetence, dithering and failure by Sinn Féin. There is another contrast that is worth pointing out. I acknowledge the role of the Irish Government. Despite political instability in this place, the Irish Government have consistently reaffirmed their financial commitment to the A5 through the Shared Island Fund and previous North/South agreements. They have recognised the importance of the project for cross-border connectivity, road safety and economic growth on both sides of the border. Dublin has kept its promise. Sinn Féin is quick to criticise the Irish Government in Dáil Éireann, but, when it comes to Sinn Féin's incompetence here, its members pat each other on the back. Let me deal with the three amendments before us. Sinn Féin's amendment is nothing short of a self-congratulation exercise: shock. It attempts to absolve Sinn Féin of all responsibility: shock. Sinn Féin pats itself on the back and attempts to rewrite history: shock. The truth is simple: Sinn Féin has ignored the Planning Appeal Commission's recommendations and left the scheme legally vulnerable. Sinn Féin bears responsibility for the project's failure. Sinn Féin's amendment is a whitewash, and we will not support it. Sinn Féin is keen to have all the power but never takes responsibility. Sinn Féin's hands are on the steering wheel, and it has destroyed the progress that is necessary on the project. The DUP's amendment blames the Climate Change Act 2022, but that Act did not cause the failure. The problem is not the law; it is Sinn Féin's failure to integrate environmental requirements into the design of the scheme. Even if Minister Poots's original 82% target had stood, the A5 would still have collapsed, because the problem was not the numbers in legislation but the sheer ineptitude of Ministers in getting it right. Let me be clear: we absolutely believe that the people of the north-west can and must have safe, modern infrastructure and clean air to breathe. The DUP amendment is another diversion. The Ulster Unionists' amendment at least recognises the need for fairness for landowners and the urgent need to have a safe road, but it, too, fails the real test of accountability. It shifts the focus from where it should be, which is the repeated failures of Sinn Féin Ministers, the Department and the Executive. For that reason, we will stick with our original motion. The Opposition's position is clear: we support the A5 because it will save lives. We support it because it will unlock the economic potential of the west. However, support does not mean silence or giving a free pass for years of incompetence by the shambolic DUP/Sinn Féin Government. We welcome the recent intervention by Minister Muir in the appeal. At least someone in the Executive is showing willingness to act, but interventions are not enough. The Executive must guarantee today that construction will begin within this mandate. Families in Tyrone, Derry and Donegal cannot be told once again to wait a little longer. To the Ministers who have failed I say this: every month that passes without progress, you are responsible for the risk that people face on that road. Every time another family is left grieving, the responsibility is not abstract; it lies with those who have had the power to act but have chosen not to. The A5 is no luxury; it is not an optional extra. It is essential. It is a matter of saving lives, restoring fairness and showing whether the Assembly is capable of delivering for the people we represent. Fifty lives have been lost. The cost is £2·1 billion and rising. There have been three failed attempts and years upon years wasted. Families are grieving, communities are angry and businesses have been held back, all because Sinn Féin could not do its job. Enough is enough. The excuses must end; the delays must stop; the bungling must stop; and the Assembly must finally deliver. Do your job, and get the road built.
1,561 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.17 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.90).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.95).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.10 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.08 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.17 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.06 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.90 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.17 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.95 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.05 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.73 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.15 |
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.05 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.05 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.02 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 13:11 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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