Debate contribution: Cost of Doing Business
Debate contribution by Mr Daniel McCrossan on .
- MLA
- Mr Daniel McCrossan
- Party at the time
- Social Democratic and Labour Party
- Date
- 2 June 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Opposition Business
- Heading
- Cost of Doing Business
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4981710
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I thank all the Members who have contributed to this important debate. We have heard a reflection of the concerns being raised to each of us, collectively, by businesses across Northern Ireland that are being pushed to the edge by rising costs and of the fact that action to support them, particularly at Executive level, has been far too slow or, in some cases, non-existent. In a recent survey by Retail NI, 96% of businesses reported that they felt that the Executive were doing nothing to support them. That is a damning indictment of how the Executive are failing to support our local businesses across this place. We in the SDLP have listened to what businesses in every town and village across the North have told us. They warn of reduced hours; job losses; in some cases, service cutbacks; and, all too often, closure. The Ulster University Economic Policy Centre's cost of doing business impact report, which many Members referenced during the debate and which the Department of Finance commissioned, spells that out clearly. Northern Ireland faces some of the highest cost pressures in the UK, particularly in sectors such as hospitality, care, retail and the voluntary sector. A typical hospitality business could face significant increases of up to £73,000 in labour costs, which is enough to put any of them out of business. That is not just a figure in a report; it represents people's livelihoods and the viability of local services hanging in the balance. I note that the Finance Minister is not here in person, although we appreciate the presence of the junior Minister, who has updated the Assembly on the Department's work. It is important that we ask the Finance Minister what action he intends to take and what response his Department will make to the report. That is important. From a recent response that I received to a question to the Minister, it seems that the only action that has been taken to date is simply sharing the report with the Treasury and meeting the Chief Secretary in April to press for action. The Finance Minister also circulated the report to Executive colleagues and encouraged business groups to lobby Westminster themselves. That is all noted, but let me be blunt: that is not a plan. It is ducking and diving. Forwarding a report and telling others to make the case is not the same as taking decisive local action. It is delegation, not leadership. In the Assembly today, we again heard from Members from the Minister's party, Sinn Féin, who are quick to blame the Government at Westminster for the many faults that exist here. For the first time, however, the Minister's party has its hands on the most significant economic levers through its Departments. It has the First Minister, the Finance Ministry, the Economy Ministry and the Infrastructure Ministry, so excuses will not wash any longer. You wanted power, and you have power, so you cannot stand on the same spot and point your finger at Westminster, particularly given that you spent the past 20 years telling the people of the North that what happens in Westminster does not matter here and that you do not need to take your seats to press for change. Today, all I have heard from Sinn Féin Members is, "We need to make the case to Westminster. We need to go over and get the business community to make their case to Westminster". Why are you not in Westminster with your MPs, who have a healthy mandate, making that case daily, as the SDLP does, as the DUP does and as the Alliance Party does, collectively, putting the interests of this place first rather than ducking and diving? It is so important that we listen to our business community and do not simply pass on a report and expect someone to come in like a great white knight to save the day. The Minister of Finance has a responsibility to businesses. The Minister for the Economy has a responsibility to businesses. Pushing a report and saying "business as usual" will not wash. We also heard reference to the current rate support schemes through Land and Property Services. Yes, those provide a baseline of assistance of around £250 million a year, but they are long-standing schemes. They are not tailored responses to the specific escalating pressures detailed in the Department's commissioned report. Again, I ask this: what's new? What has changed in response to the findings? John O'Dowd jumping on a plane to Westminster will solve nothing. We need to see a clear plan of action from Sinn Féin, and we need to see its vision for this place.
The motion sets out three practical, achievable actions that the Minister and the Executive could take quickly. First, we need to recall the high street task force, which has been referenced by many Members. We already have the structures in place to bring together Departments, councils, business leaders and communities. The task force could provide coordination, drive recovery efforts and give much-needed focus to regeneration. It has been dormant for too long — dormant almost as long as the Executive have been since they returned when it comes to the interests of serving our businesses. Secondly, we need a cost of doing business advisory forum in place by 1 September. It would not be just a talking shop; it would give businesses a formal voice and shape local responses. Stormont needs to stop assuming what businesses need and, instead, ask them directly, which, again, according to the recent survey by Retail NI, has not been happening. Thirdly and most urgently in the long term, we need to get serious about rates reform. That has been promised time and again. It is entirely within our devolved powers. It is unacceptable that we keep citing Westminster delays and blaming the Brits while ignoring one of the few economic levers that we can control. Businesses do not care which Department it sits with. They do not care if it is taken from here or anywhere else; they just want it to happen. We have a responsibility to ensure that it does. No one is suggesting that every problem can be fixed, but the Executive can and must do more than simply pass the buck. While we debate, real businesses are having to make real decisions to reduce their hours, let staff go or shut their doors altogether. Let me say this clearly: we cannot continue to blame Westminster for every pressure, if we are not even prepared to use the powers that we already hold. That excuse has worn thin. People want solutions, not excuses. We have a duty to act, and if the Finance Minister is serious about protecting employers, workers and communities, I urge him and his Executive colleagues to back the proposals in the motion and implement them without any further delay. To be clear, this is a huge point of frustration for many people. It is also about ensuring that small businesses in West Tyrone, Derry, Armagh, South Belfast and every corner of the North are not left to struggle alone while the Government hesitate. It is unacceptable that, every time a problem arises here where we could sit down, work out a solution, respond to the report and put in place measures to bring about real change that could help businesses today, we simply forward the report, do not produce a plan and hope that everything will work out. The situation is getting worse. If our small businesses struggle, people lose jobs and they lose their livelihoods, and what is a serious problem today will become an even bigger problem tomorrow. I say to the Executive parties that were tripping over each other to get the First Minister's post that this is about real people, real lives and using the power that you so badly wanted. This is about using the office that you hold and the privileged position that you have to bring about change and not simply stand in front of the camera, smiling and holding a glossy report but not implementing any of the powerful recommendations in it.
1,369 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.08 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.96).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.99).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.06 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.05 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.01 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.11 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.04 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.96 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.08 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.99 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.01 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.80 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.16 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.02 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.02 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:47 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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