Debate contribution: Protecting Victims of Coercive Control

Debate contribution by Mr Doug Beattie MC on 5 May 2026.

MLA

Mr Doug Beattie MC

Party at the time

Ulster Unionist Party

Date

5 May 2026

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Private Members' Business

Heading

Protecting Victims of Coercive Control

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 5525194

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I often ponder the term "ending violence against women and girls", because the reality is that you do not need violence to create harm to women and girls. Coercive control is a prison sentence without bars. It does not leave bruises that are visible to the eye, yet it destroys lives just as surely as any physical assault. While Northern Ireland took the historic step of criminalising that behaviour in the Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act 2021, the legislative framework at Stormont still contains critical failings that leave victims dangerously exposed. I am conscious of the Justice Minister's statement today on the Katie Simpson affair. In many ways, that case goes to the heart of coercive control, because it is far more insidious and widespread than many people fully realise. It can take the form of economic abuse. It is not just about withholding money; it is the systematic destruction of a victim's financial independence: taking every penny spent, running up debt in their name or preventing them from holding a job. Victims are left financially marooned, unable to afford to live, travel or have any form of independence. We think of coercive control as it relates to family members and loved ones, but older people also suffer it as their grandson, granddaughter or other family member continually tries to get money from them or takes control of their pension. It is really widespread. There is also technological surveillance. In the 21st century, abusers have powerful new weapons. They install spyware on telephones and GPS trackers on cars. That may sound a bit James Bond, but we are talking about everyday items that are purchased online, such as AirTags. They cost virtually nothing, and you can literally follow somebody's movement by attaching it to their car. Hacking into social media accounts or emails to monitor every conversation — the abuser does not need to be in the room any more to control every movement. We do not really talk about reproductive coercion: a hidden offence where a partner sabotages contraception, forces a pregnancy or coerces an abortion. It is a complete hijacking of a woman's autonomy over her body. Coercive control also involves isolation and cutting victims off from family, friends and support networks until the abuser becomes their entire world, and they do not even realise it. That can also involve moving the victim away from where they live. Humiliation can be part of that as well, as Paul Frew mentioned. It is important to remember that we have young abusers. Young men of 14, 13 or 12 have girlfriends and can be involved in that type of activity but probably do not even realise it. Of course, I have to say that men can be coerced as well, but it is important to say that it predominantly happens to women. The Domestic Abuse and Civil Proceedings Act 2021 was landmark legislation, but, as I said, it remains flawed in some areas. There is an implementation gap. A recent Criminal Justice Inspection report found that, while the law exists, there is limited awareness of the statutory guidance. For example, child aggravators are being underused, which means that we are failing to protect the youngest and most vulnerable witnesses to crime. It certainly has not been embedded in our Police Service, the Public Prosecution Service or our courts. There is a training gap in the quality and consistency of training in our criminal justice system.

Yes.

The Member is absolutely right. It is important that the criminal justice system identifies that and knows about it and that the front-facing people who are involved are fully trained. Our Police Service personnel need to be fully trained to understand what they see when they come across it. Likewise — I have said this time and time again — the Public Prosecution Service and the courts need training. There is a support gap. Stormont promised safe leave in the form of paid time off for victims of up to 10 days a year in order to deal with domestic abuse. That was two years ago, but it has still not been delivered. We ask victims to navigate the family courts and flee abusive homes, while potentially losing their job, and that is a legislative failure. The family courts crisis has been mentioned before, and there is no point in going over that. There is a huge backlog, which results in the victim facing the abuser far more often than they should do, even when it comes to entering the court at the same time or coming across each other. There are lots of issues, but we are on the right track, and it is important to say that. Now, however, we need to close those gaps.

794 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

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Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:38 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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