Debate contribution: Belfast City Airport Master Plan
Debate contribution by Mr Phillip Brett on .
- MLA
- Mr Phillip Brett
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 11 May 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Belfast City Airport Master Plan
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5524176
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I beg to move
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I am delighted to move this motion, which recognises the vital role that Belfast City Airport plays in the economic life of our city, the Belfast region and, indeed, the country as a whole, and which commits the House to supporting the delivery of the 2040 master plan. I had the privilege of co-hosting the launch of the master plan for George Best Belfast City Airport here in the Northern Ireland Assembly a number of weeks ago, and today is an opportunity for the House to put on record its support for its ambitious proposals. Belfast City Airport already plays a vital role in our economy and our country, connecting Northern Ireland to the rest of the world, the United Kingdom and vital hubs throughout the European Union. Some 2·4 million passengers travelled through the airport in 2024. The airport and its operations supported over 12,000 jobs in our city and contributed £800 million to the Northern Ireland economy. While so much has already been achieved, the master plan that was launched this year in this very Building aims to deliver a transformative project for our country, unlock up to £200 million of private investment, create up to 1,100 new jobs in our capital city, welcome up to seven million passengers a year to Belfast and contribute £1·7 billion every single year. The proposals from Belfast City Airport are the single largest private-sector investment proposals on the table in Northern Ireland at present, and, as such, they should command the support of the House. I pay particular tribute to the new rail halt proposal that would make Belfast City Airport the first airport on this island to be served by a direct train connection. The role of airports throughout Northern Ireland cannot be underestimated. Belfast International Airport, Belfast City Airport and the City of Derry Airport all have a vital role to play in growing our economy and connecting Northern Ireland to the rest of the world, but, unfortunately, to date, they have had to operate under a piecemeal approach from the Department for the Economy, because, yet again, we have failed to deliver an overall aviation strategy. Given all the benefits that our airports bring, it is incumbent on the Government not only to support plans but to deliver the conditions that attract investment. That is why an aviation strategy, including an air route development policy, is so important, and the Department's delay in producing it is hugely concerning. If you look at the business plan for the Department for the Economy, you see that the target date for the completion of an air connectivity strategy and a route development policy was March 2025. When did the Department belatedly launch a consultation on its proposals? It was in March 2026. In the private sector, a year's delay in producing a strategy or a consultation would not be accepted, and it should not be accepted in the Department for the Economy. The proposals in the aviation strategy are neither new nor groundbreaking, so I do not understand the delay in producing them. We want an air route development fund, but we have already put on the record here the benefit to be seen from that. Two years ago, the Department commissioned and published the York Aviation report, which made it clear that Northern Ireland needed to be more connected to mainland Europe and also needed to focus on our direct routes into North America and, possibly, Canada. The report was produced two years ago, and, to date, we have had no movement. When officials came before the Committee for the Economy a few weeks ago, they made it clear that there would be no route development policy until the final consultation process had been delivered. I welcome some of the aspects in the consultation document, particularly the Department for the Economy's commitment to undo some of the damage done by the Northern Ireland protocol. In Northern Ireland, air passenger duty and duty-free sales are not possible as a result of the protocol. It is important to recognise the change in position that the Department for the Economy has committed to. Headed by the Minister, it no longer wants the rigorous implementation of the protocol but recognises the economic damage that the protocol is doing to Northern Ireland. Today, the House has an opportunity to make clear its support for the development of Belfast City Airport. It is equally important to make a commitment that an aviation strategy can no longer be delayed. The Department claimed that it would produce a strategy in 2025: for it to have put together a six-page document one year later and claim progress cannot be accepted. I welcome the fact that the Minister for Infrastructure is here today. She can articulate what role, if any, her Department will have in the planning process when the application is submitted. However, I had hoped that the Minister for the Economy would be here, given the fact that it is the single largest private-sector investment that is on the books in Northern Ireland. The aviation strategy that was promised one year ago has not even made it onto the books, and that fails not just Belfast City Airport; it fails Belfast International Airport and the City of Derry Airport. We need a strategy that goes right across our airport sector in order to ensure that tourists can get to Northern Ireland and that we are connected to other parts of the world. I trust that Members will support today's motion.
931 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.03 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.92).
- No identity-based framing was identified (1.00).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.02 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.01 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.02 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.03 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.92 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.03 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 1.00 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.66 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.33 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.01 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:38 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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