Debate contribution: Independent Review of Teacher Workload Report

Debate contribution by Mr Paul Givan on .

MLA
Mr Paul Givan
Party at the time
Democratic Unionist Party
Date
28 April 2026
Type
Debate contribution (made as a minister)
Business
Ministerial Statements
Heading
Independent Review of Teacher Workload Report
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 5509654

Read the official Assembly record

Text

The Member is absolutely right when it comes to the dangers of social media and the negative impact that it has on our young people.

That is why I brought forward a clear policy position on smartphones for our post-primary schools and primary schools. They are not to be brought to primary schools, and they are not to be used in post-primary schools. We are seeking better ways to implement that policy, including giving a role to the ETI so that, as part of its inspection process, it also reports on the effectiveness or otherwise of a school's implementation of that prohibition. I agree with the Member about the damaging aspects of social media.

I thank the two primary schools for coming to Stormont. I was with them in the Senate Chamber before I came in here. Those two schools — Killowen Primary Coleraine and St John's Primary School — are part of a shared education endeavour. I was very much encouraged by my engagement with them, as I have been when I have visited hundreds of schools. I am always encouraged by what we have in our schools because of our excellent teachers. We are here to support them. I have a plan that will give them much better support, and I believe that we are moving in the right direction of travel.

I thank the Member for that question. He is right about the work that went in to resolving a three-year industrial dispute. Indeed, there had been action short of strike for nearly a decade. The past two years have been one of the most stable industrial periods that we have had, and that has been as a result of providing the appropriate settlements on teachers' pay and conditions. A new graduate from our teacher training colleges would have started on only £23,000, well below any counterparts in the United Kingdom. I moved to increase that, and I have now done so by 36%, so it is a financially attractive profession. It is often a vocational calling: people come into the teaching profession because they want to empower and support children and young people. It is right that we seek to recognise that through the appropriate remuneration, and we have been able to move to do that. We have increased all teachers' pay by nearly £10,000 on average. That has been the right thing to do. Obviously, when we look at this financial year, we see that the Executive's finances are in a very difficult position across a whole range of Departments. The challenge will be in how we deliver on public-sector pay, but I do not support the notion that has been put forward that pay settlements should be found within Departments' existing allocations, because, through version 2 of the Budget, my Department faces a shortfall somewhere in the region of £500 million to £600 million. That is saying, "Agree to the Budget, sign up to something that leaves Education short by £0·6 billion, and, by the way, go figure out how you are going to pay your teachers". Does anyone seriously believe that the Executive should support that proposition? I will not support it. All our public-sector workers should be dealt with equally, while recognising that there will be some variance between different professions. To place that responsibility on my Department is effectively to say that there should not be any increase in pay, and I will not support that approach.

I believe and hope that it will. Again, I have said that people should be given the space to work through this. I say this to the NAHT: thank you for your engagement on this and for raising issues. You have articulated the needs of school leaders, as have all of the trade unions that are dealing with the issues, whether that is the Ulster Teachers' Union (UTU), the Irish National Teachers' Organisation (INTO), the National Education Union (NEU) or NASUWT. There are some others, but, along with the NAHT, those are the four recognised official ones. They have been engaged in that process, and the NAHT has brought forward its issues. I was encouraged yesterday by the recognition that the action plan has reflected that and seeks to find a way through supporting school leaders in particular and addressing workloads and the challenges that they are facing. Ultimately, it is a matter for the NAHT and all the other unions as to how they respond officially, but I certainly believe that they want to see progress being made. I believe that they recognise that the document contains a route to achieve that. However, in order for us to get to the end destination, we need to work through all those issues. That requires industrial stability, shared ownership and collaboration and partnership, and I hope that that will be the case when it comes to the trade unions.

814 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.03 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
  • Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.89).
  • No identity-based framing was identified (1.00).
  • Subject area: Education structures, integration and community division.
  • The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.03No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.02No
Cultural grievance politics0.02No
Dog-whistle messaging0.02No
Controversy escalation0.03No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.89Yes
Overall judgement0.03At or below not-flagging threshold
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing (chosen)1.00
Reports or questions it0.00
Criticises or condemns it0.00
Adopts it0.00
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Education structures, integration and community division0.65
No identity-related subject0.32
Religion and belief (including people of no religion), churches, faith communities and religious prejudice (including antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice)0.02
Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations0.01
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:27 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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