Debate contribution: Education (Holiday Meal Payments) Bill: Second Stage
Debate contribution by Mr Gerry Carroll on .
- MLA
- Mr Gerry Carroll
- Party at the time
- People Before Profit Alliance
- Date
- 13 April 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Education (Holiday Meal Payments) Bill: Second Stage
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5483872
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I thank the Member for bringing this important legislation to the House today. There is a lack of legislation, but this is obviously quite important. I met the Member about the Bill and I am happy to support it going forward. As he noted, the reintroduction of the payments is something that should have been implemented by the Education Minister, but he refused to act, hence the Member's Bill. As in many other areas, including housing, environmental protection and equality, Members' Bills are being developed because Executive Ministers are refusing to act. I will, hopefully, be bringing forward a housing Bill, because the Communities Minister has refused to act to address the ever-rising cost of rents and the housing crisis. As has been said, holiday hunger payments are a cash-first approach, which gives struggling families some dignity and control over their finances during the school holidays. To be honest, it was a rare positive measure introduced by the Executive at the start of the pandemic, which I and most others in the House supported. As has been mentioned, over 100,000 children benefited from those payments. Inexplicably, however, in March 2023, the Department failed to allocate enough funding to continue the scheme. In the middle of a post-COVID economic crisis — if we have ever got out of that — the price of food soared and continues to soar because of the war in Iran and other issues. That was a disastrous decision, which directly harmed children who were eligible for free school meals. As was mentioned in passing at the start of the debate, that also put unsustainable pressure on the community and voluntary sector. To add insult to injury, the EA increased the price of school meals by 50p. That may not sound a lot, but when you are talking about a family with two or three children, that adds up to hundreds of pounds a year, which is unaffordable for so many who have seen real-term wage cuts. The Trussell Trust food banks in the North distributed over 38,000 emergency food parcels to children in 2023-24. That organisation has stated that that represents a 150% increase from five years ago, and managers of food banks have identified that the main reason for that was the removal of the holiday hunger payment scheme. Too many families dread the holidays, thinking about how they will cover the cost of extra meals every single day.
Hopefully — I say "hopefully", but I have listened to the debate intently — we all agree that working-class children should not be expected to go hungry over the school holidays. As I said, however, the contributions of some Members to my right make me question whether everybody agrees on that point. David Brooks, the Member for East Belfast, said at the start of the debate that the payment should not be seen as a top-up welfare payment. I take that to be a derogatory framing of the payment. It is pretty insulting to the hundreds of thousands of families who rely on social security. Welfare payments absolutely —.
I will finish the point and then give way. Welfare payments should be topped up and increased so that they are enough to live on. This payment should not be seen as a luxury; it is a necessity for people to survive on.
556 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.06 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.94).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.95).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.06 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.06 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.07 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.94 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.06 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.95 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.01 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.04 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.59 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.16 |
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.15 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.06 |
| Education structures, integration and community division | 0.04 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:21 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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