Debate contribution: Independent Environmental Protection Agency
Debate contribution by Mr Andrew Muir on .
- MLA
- Mr Andrew Muir
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 10 March 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution (made as a minister)
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Independent Environmental Protection Agency
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5437286
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I welcome the Earl of Shaftesbury's support for an independent environmental protection agency. I also welcome his willingness to transfer the bed and soil of Lough Neagh to community ownership without charge. The conditions associated with that will need to be clarified; I have heard a lot about what those could be, and it is important that they are clarified. I will be seeking a meeting with the Earl of Shaftesbury to get clarification. Transferring ownership of the bed and soil to community ownership has lots of challenges. For example, who is the "community"? I welcome the initiatives being taken forward by many organisations around this, because it is something that we want to explore. I am conscious that communities are suffering now from the environmental degradation of Lough Neagh — from drinking water to lost livelihoods, as you set out, Eóin. Our constituents are rightly demanding action. For more than three decades, report after report has delivered the same message: Northern Ireland's environmental governance arrangements are not fit for purpose and do not deliver what people and nature deserve. We are witnessing the consequences of that. Look at the blue-green algae in Lough Neagh, the illegal dump at Mobuoy, the wildfires in our countryside and more. It is not just about nature; it is about the communities that are suffering. Tonight's motion on establishing an independent environmental protection agency is not simply a tick-box exercise; it is a test of our resolve to protect public well-being, restore our natural environment and uphold our promises to the people of Northern Ireland. From the outset, I reiterate clearly my firm commitment to establishing an independent environmental protection agency. The evidence is clear, the need is urgent, and the public expect progress. Northern Ireland's environmental governance challenges have been known about for over 30 years. From the 1990 Rossi report to the present day, each review and report has called for an independent EPA and reached the same conclusions: chronic under-resourcing, insufficient independence and a persistent gap between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom and Ireland in environmental performance and compliance. Despite that, we remain the only jurisdiction in the United Kingdom without an independent environmental protection agency. That position is not tenable. It is not only about doing what is right by our environment but doing what is right for our communities that rely so heavily on our environment. It is about ensuring that protections are in place so that an environmental catastrophe on the scale of Lough Neagh can never occur again. It is a question of democracy and delivering on our promises. Through motions passed in 2020 and 2025, the Assembly has repeatedly endorsed the principle of an independent EPA. We also had the New Decade, New Approach agreement of 2020, which was endorsed by the DUP.
So which party campaigned for Brexit?
Which party —.
We are looking to alleviate the issues, as I was doing today on the emissions trading scheme; that is what we are focused on. 'New Decade, New Approach' promised that the Executive would:
"establish an Independent Environmental Protection Agency to oversee this work and ensure targets are met."
In November 2024, I appointed —.
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. As I was saying, in November 2024, I appointed the expert independent panel, led by Dr Viviane Gravey of Queen's University and supported by Diane Ruddock, a National Trust retiree, and John McCallister, a representative of the Ulster Farmers' Union. The panel was tasked with carrying out a review of environmental governance in Northern Ireland to assess the adequacy of current arrangements and provide recommendations for improvement for my consideration, taking into account the very changed landscape post EU exit. I put on record my sincere thanks to Viviane, Diane and John for carrying out an extensive and complex review as expert individuals. The independent panel has delivered a comprehensive road map for better environmental governance, and I have brought those clear proposals to the Executive, asking for their support for the establishment of an EPA. The evidence is not in dispute. The only barrier now is, frankly, the undemocratic unionist party. My question for the DUP is, having supported 'New Decade, New Approach', "What has changed?". It is certainly not the state of our environment, which suffered enormously when it managed the relevant Department in previous years. Our environmental dashboard is flashing red. I therefore urge all Members to consider fully the detailed independent panel's final report, which was published on 21 October last year. Its 32 recommendations span policy, delivery and governance, but its central recommendation is unequivocal: Northern Ireland should establish an independent EPA as a non-departmental public body with its own board and operational autonomy, sponsored by DAERA. I fully believe that the proposed model would deliver stronger accountability, greater transparency and a more coherent and consistent regulatory system. Importantly, it is a vital step in ensuring that we learn the lessons of Lough Neagh and put nature firmly on the road to recovery. Securing Executive approval would have allowed detailed policy development and for the business case to proceed. It also would have enabled us to finalise regulatory and institutional design. Sadly, however, it looks as though none of that work will be realised. Members have asked about costs. I question whether those concerns are genuine or whether they are a red herring being put forward by a party that does not really care about the environment. As I stated, precise figures would require detailed scoping work, which has not taken place. What is very clear is that we are already paying for inaction. The long-term cost of sites such as Mobuoy and the environmental and economic damage at Lough Neagh demonstrates the price of insufficient oversight and fragmented governance. An independent EPA —.
I will continue. An independent EPA would consolidate, not duplicate. Regulatory and monitoring functions would transfer from the Department and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency to the new body. It would not be an additional layer; the existing structures would be replaced with a more effective and accountable model. Environmental governance in Northern Ireland has been chronically underfunded. The panel recommends statutory protections for the EPA's independence and funding. If we want durable, trusted regulation, long-term stable resourcing is essential. I will not address the panel's other recommendations at this stage, except to note that many depend on the establishment of an independent EPA. Unfortunately, they cannot progress until the Executive reach agreement. It is now over four months since I outlined the outcome of the independent review to the Chamber, pressing for the need to move forward. I have sought Executive agreement in that regard, but the DUP has deliberately run down the clock. I say this to all those who have campaigned for years for the delivery of an independent EPA: I share your disappointment and deep frustration that our institutions are incapable of delivering it. It is an affront to democracy, which is why I have written to the UK and Irish Governments, asking them to begin a process of reform of these institutions. Following the motion, I will do so again, requesting that the outstanding New Decade, New Approach commitment to establish an independent EPA be implemented. We cannot build stable government while the foundations of these institutions are not fit for purpose. We cannot risk waiting for yet another collapse or crisis to fix them, because there are no guarantees that we will get another opportunity to show that this place can work. The public are fast losing faith, and they have clearly had enough of the blocks and vetoes that ultimately do not deliver for them. We will never succeed if one minority party — whatever party it is — is able to stall progress. As important as an independent EPA is, this issue is bigger than that; it is about enabling government that can truly deliver a prosperous and shared society for Northern Ireland. We owe it to the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement to embrace change and fulfil the hope and vision for what this place could be.
I pay tribute to the people —.
Your party was not there. It stood outside and campaigned against the Good Friday Agreement. I pay tribute to the people who worked to construct the Good Friday Agreement. Many years on from it, however, we have to realise that some people in the institutions are not working in good faith and there is a need for reform. I will return to the matter of environmental governance. Some Members have asked what progress can be made on the expert panel's report, pending Executive agreement. The Committee has requested an update on progress made against the 32 recommendations, including on what actions are under way, pending Executive consideration of the independent EPA proposals. My officials will brief the Committee on Thursday. I am progressing wider measures to strengthen environmental protection. They include ending the previous administrative statement of regulatory principles and intent (SORPI) arrangement with Northern Ireland Water, preparing the fisheries and water environment Bill and continuing to work on delivery against the Lough Neagh report and action plan. Without Executive agreement on an independent EPA, however, key elements of the wider programme cannot proceed.
I have been clear that there is a role for the UK and Irish Governments in reforming the institutions. In the Fresh Start Agreement of 2015, it was made clear that, if an item did not appear on the agenda after three consecutive Executive meetings, it should appear on the agenda for a decision. Those are the types of reforms that need to be made so that we can have effective government and effective delivery for the people of Northern Ireland. If those reforms are not made, there are other opportunities, such as through a private Member's Bill for consideration by the Assembly. It is wrong that we should have to consider doing that, because we should be able to deliver something that was in a previous agreement and that is also the will of the House, as was shown by a motion that was passed in November of last year. Northern Ireland is at a crossroads. The decision in front of us is clear: continue with the politics of division and all that it costs or embrace reform and truly deliver for the people of Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland cannot afford to remain the only part of these islands without an independent EPA. Establishing an independent environmental protection agency will deliver stronger and more transparent regulation, consistent enforcement across all sectors, a level playing field for businesses, greater public confidence and reduced long-term environmental and financial costs. I urge all Members, for the sake of nature and the well-being of us all, to get behind reforming the institutions to bring about long-term stability and end the blocks and vetoes that are used far too often. I will respond to two issues that were raised during the debate. First, Mr Gaston —.
I am about to address one of the issues that you raised, Mr Gaston. Mr Gaston raised an issue about AFBI. I am happy to respond on that, which is what I was trying to do in my intervention earlier. In November 2024, an MLA made me aware of concerns that had been raised about AFBI. They did not relate to animal health or environmental compliance issues, and they were passed to the AFBI chief executive to deal with. In June 2025, the chief executive made my Department aware that concerns had been received about animal welfare issues at Hillsborough and that they were being examined. There is one last issue that I want to address. I want to give Mr Buchanan an opportunity to reply to me, if he would like to ask for an intervention. He asked me to "man up". Would he like to clarify exactly what he meant by that request?
No, that is me done. Thank you
2,000 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.30 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.90).
- The text adopts the identity-based framing in its own voice (0.52).
- Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.14 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.25 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.50 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.38 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.90 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.30 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.42 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.02 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.04 |
| Adopts it (chosen) | 0.52 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.59 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.16 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.12 |
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.11 |
| Religion and belief (including people of no religion), churches, faith communities and religious prejudice (including antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice) | 0.01 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:13 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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