Debate contribution: Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill: Second Stage
Debate contribution by Ms Paula Bradshaw on .
- MLA
- Ms Paula Bradshaw
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 16 March 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Executive Committee Business
- Heading
- Criminal Justice (Sentencing etc) Bill: Second Stage
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5448937
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Before I make my remarks on the substance of the Bill, I acknowledge the collegial and positive nature of the debate, given the sensitive nature of the matters that it covers. I speak not only as a member of the Alliance Party and an elected representative for South Belfast but as one of my party's spokespersons on Executive Office matters with particular reference to equality and race relations. Therefore, I will focus my remarks specifically on Part 6 of the Bill. I very much welcome Part 6, as it introduces provisions that will allow the courts to treat certain types of offending more seriously through the use of statutory aggravators in sentencing. That reflects one of the most important recommendations arising from Judge Marrinan's review of hate crime legislation. The introduction of a hate crime aggravator is certainly a significant step when it comes to the way in which our justice system responds to crimes motivated by hostility, something that campaigners and my constituents will no doubt warmly welcome. Clause 33 will allow any offence to be treated as being aggravated by hostility, commonly referred to as "hate crime", where it was carried out with or motivated by hostility towards a person's race, religious background, sexual orientation or disability. In our increasingly diverse society, that is critical, if everyone is to be assured that we, as an Assembly, value that diversity and want to give them particular protection against unprovoked attacks. Linked to that, clause 34 is also particularly important, as has already been stated. It requires the court to state openly how the presence of such aggravation has affected the sentence imposed. At the same time, it ensures that, even where the aggravating element cannot ultimately be proven, a conviction for the underlying offence can still be secured. That balance is important for ensuring fairness in the courts and accountability for offenders. On the latter point, I feel that that is needed by victims of crime if they are to get full acknowledgement from the courts of the crime that was perpetrated against them.
I thank the Member for his intervention. I speak in the debate today from the perspective of a South Belfast representative, because there are so many attacks on vulnerable and marginalised people in my constituency. He is right that maybe not all the attacks are racially motivated, but there remains a deep sense of fear among people going about their everyday business. The provision is really welcome, as it will assure people that we recognise that they could be targeted because of their background or ethnicity. I also welcome the recognition of intersectionality in the provisions and the ability to recognise hostility towards multiple protected groups in a single offence. That better reflects the lived reality of victims, as I have just said to Mr Frew, and acknowledges the complexity of many hate crimes. The measures are not simply a technical change to sentencing practice; rather, they represent a strengthening of protections for many of the most vulnerable people in our society and should act as an important deterrent to those who would target others because of who they are. Ensuring that the gravity of the offence and the harm caused are fully recognised in sentencing is a crucial step towards reinforcing public confidence in our justice system. We have all heard from victims of crime, particularly those who have been the target of racially motivated attacks, which, unfortunately, are happening at an increasing rate, not least in my South Belfast constituency. Until now, some of the victims have felt that the criminal justice system does not fully recognise the impact not just on them but on their family circle and their community of such attacks. We must all recognise the harm, risk and vulnerability associated with hate crime. Racist graffiti on a wall can turn into families being intimidated out of their homes. It is about more than sentencing alone; it is about ensuring that our communities feel safe and that people across Northern Ireland can live free from intimidation and fear. It is also important to acknowledge that there are discussions about expanding the list of protected groups. For example, transgender people are, by some measure, two to four times more likely to experience assault than the general population. The Bill, however, does not include them as a protected group. While it is important that the Bill progress through the Assembly in order for it to deliver the protections that it contains, it is nevertheless frustrating that agreement could not be reached on extending the protections further in the face of such clear evidence of vulnerability. My party believes —.
777 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.06 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.92).
- The text criticises or condemns the framing or division (0.87).
- Subject area: Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.10 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.05 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.03 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.05 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.92 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.06 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.13 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it (chosen) | 0.87 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.95 |
| Immigration, asylum, race, ethnicity and Travellers | 0.04 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.01 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:13 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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