Debate contribution: Budget Bill: Final Stage

Debate contribution by Mr Gerry Carroll on 10 March 2026.

MLA

Mr Gerry Carroll

Party at the time

People Before Profit Alliance

Date

10 March 2026

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Executive Committee Business

Heading

Budget Bill: Final Stage

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 5436855

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I was expecting a few more Members to speak before me, but I am happy to contribute to the debate. The draft Budget was not agreed by the whole Executive, but it looks as though the DUP will support it today. I am not sure what has changed for the DUP; I am happy for anybody to clarify that. There are very small uplifts for Departments in the Budget, which is alarming in the context of rising costs, including pay claims, and increasing demand for services. It is worth outlining that only four Departments — Health, Education, Justice and Infrastructure — will receive any increase next year, while the rest of the Departments will not. Public-sector pay settlements should be factored into budgets at the start of every year, but, obviously, that is not the case: we have yearly crises when it comes to funding pay awards, and we cannot afford to maintain basic parity. What message does that send to our workers? It is that they are worth less than people doing the same job because they live elsewhere. It is not acceptable to hold our classroom assistants, healthcare workers, civil servants and transport workers to ransom each and every year. We have to reject the language of efficiency savings, which, unfortunately, is trumped out in this Budget, as it was in previous ones. Budgets must meet people's needs as a bare minimum. It is also worth saying that allocations for Programme for Government priorities made up only a very small proportion of the total funding in the Budget, showing once again that the Programme for Government is little more than warm words, with no material substance or funding, even when it comes to the Executive's own priorities. It is unconscionable that the big parties wanted, and today agreed, to hike the regional domestic rate by 5% for each of the next three years, which is above the current rate of inflation. Ordinary families still struggle to access basic public services. They see little meaningful improvement in health waiting lists, cannot access affordable childcare and, in many cases, cannot get an NHS dentist. They struggle to pay the rent, mortgages and household bills. In the past week, the cost of home heating oil has almost doubled. In that context, working-class communities are once again being asked to pay more while getting less. The British Government are not coming to save us. There is a £400 million Treasury reserve claim coming this year, but that is, as I understand it, to be repaid over the subsequent three years, which means more financial punishment to come. We are getting an extra £380 million in Barnett consequentials over the next three years as well, which is connected to the SEND funding in England, but that is not being ring-fenced to invest in SEND here. No doubt, parents and carers of children here will be livid about that. That will probably be used to pay off the Treasury reserve claim as well. Tell that to the families of those who travel to attend a special educational needs school or those who are stuck at home for half the day because they have no suitable placement. As the Minister and others have said in previous debates, we have limited devolved fiscal powers, so the British Government and the Northern Ireland Executive have a joint responsibility to make sure that long-term revenues are sufficient to meet people's material needs. It is not good enough for the British Government to accuse the Executive of fiscal irresponsibility. It is also not good enough for the Executive to place all the blame on the British Government for underfunding us. Westminster's role in perpetuating underfunding is undeniable, but the Sinn Féin Finance Minister conveniently fails to acknowledge the fact that the Executive, including those from his party, are acting as handmaidens for British austerity. They are implementing cuts by choice, not necessity. At a time of record corporate profits across these islands, the Finance Minister has not made a single proposal or raised his voice to argue for higher corporate taxes on companies here. It is in our control to do that, but the Minister refuses to act. He claims that he wants to hear concrete revenue-raising alternatives from other parties. I have repeatedly said to the Minister — I will repeat it again today — that he could abolish industrial derating. Stop giving rates breaks to huge multinational corporations; that would save in the region of £80 million a year. Those corporations also pollute the local environment, mistreat their workers and act in complicity with Israel and other rogue states. Complete the devolution of income tax and then increase income tax on higher earners. Create a fair rates system in which bills are calculated based on ability to pay. The likes of Amazon pay a pittance in rates when they come here, underpay workers and make a fortune across the globe. The Executive must refuse to facilitate austerity and instead provide a Budget that improves the material conditions of working-class communities. This Budget does not do that. Most people out there will be waiting a long time for the Executive to change course. I say: leave it up to ordinary people to challenge the Budget through community mobilisation, unions and people power. I will do my best today by voting against it.

894 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:12 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

Disagree with this assessment?

Classifications can be challenged. A person reads every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.

Challenge this classification