Debate contribution: All-island Economy
Debate contribution by Mr Pádraig Delargy on .
- MLA
- Mr Pádraig Delargy
- Party at the time
- Sinn Féin
- Date
- 9 March 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Opposition Business
- Heading
- All-island Economy
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5453656
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.
I am glad to be talking about the issue, because all-Ireland cooperation and the all-Ireland economy are growing. We all know the figures and statistics and the results of dual market access in particular. If we look at statistics from 2001, we see that all-Ireland trade was valued at £1·9 billion. It was at a similar level in 2015. However, that has grown dramatically since the introduction of dual market access, with the figure in 2022 sitting at around £7 billion a year. The all-Ireland economy is a reality in constituencies such as mine and in border constituencies across the North. The key reason for deciding to ensure that regional balance is a key pillar for the Department for the Economy is to ensure that border communities, which have been left behind by partition and failed by this state, have equal opportunity and increased opportunity going forward. That is something that we will continue to see. Last week, I attended the relaunch of the north-west learning city region in Magee. At that event, we had the mayor of the Derry City and Strabane District Council and the cathaoirleach
of Donegal County Council. We have seen the first of the projects that are both North and South. That is a great indication of how we work collaboratively as a region. At the event, we had the Atlantic Technological University (ATU); Ulster University (UU); the North West Regional College; and the Donegal Education and Training Board (ETB). That is an example of how the positive transformation that is happening in Stormont is reflected in communities and in our colleges and universities across the North. We have much to learn from them. I am glad to see the motion, but there are a few key reasons for our amendment. The amendment focuses on positive politics. It is about what we can do together and having a collaborative approach. It is about highlighting what we can do when we work together. The SDLP motion is about politicking and electioneering. It is not about genuine cooperation. Sinn Féin is the key delivery agent in the Assembly and across Ireland of that all-Ireland cooperation. We champion it in everything that we do. The motion is an attack on Departments that have Sinn Féin Ministers. What is proposed in the motion and in what the Member said in moving it relates to poverty and educational underachievement. Those are genuine concerns, and I share them. However, I ask that the key things that we see as barriers to economic growth be included. One is housing, but I see no mention of housing in the motion. I see no call on the Department for Communities. I see no mention of education in the motion and no call for the Department of Education to do anything. I agree with the comments on poverty, but why is there no call on the Department for Communities? The motion lacks a lot. The premise of working together and the call for cooperation and collaboration is positive, but the motion could be strengthened. That is why we have tabled our amendment. I have a number of points. I will run through them quickly, because I am conscious of time. Let us look at delivery in those three Departments. Take the Department for the Economy. We have seen a 60% growth in enrolments at Magee university in Derry since 2021, which is incredibly positive: that is delivery. Regional balance is a core pillar of the ministerial vision: that is delivery. The clustering of key areas and sectors is delivery. A new Invest NI office in Dublin is delivery. There is £3·5 million to support City of Derry Airport to take the burden off ratepayers in the council area. For me, that is a key example of delivery, particularly when over half the airport's passengers come from the South. This is about all-Ireland cooperation. InterTradeIreland's funding is up. Hidden Heartlands has been delivered. There has been huge progress on extending the Wild Atlantic Way. The postgraduate loan for Northern students studying in the South has been introduced. That was not there before. We see increased cooperation on alignment between UCAS and CAO, as well as research and development partnerships. The new Queen's campus in Dundalk is fantastic and shows confidence and growth across our island. Take the Department for Infrastructure. There has been delivery of the all-island rail review and the ring-fencing of £1 million in this year's Budget for the AI research resource (AIRR). That keeps the momentum going. We have cross-border greenways. Progress has been made on the Enterprise fleet. There has been cross-border work by the A5/N2 group. That is all delivery. Take the Department of Finance. It is on the Executive to prioritise the fiscal framework. It is a key issue that John has championed in the Department, as did Caoimhe before him. It is about making decisions locally, getting greater autonomy and increasing our ability to make such decisions here in order to generate increased income for public services. The best way in which to do that financial remodelling is, of course, through Irish unity. It is about making decisions for Ireland in Ireland, and those are important steps to take while we are progressing towards that. I have tried to highlight some of the key elements of delivery. I am baffled by the fact that the motion's ask focuses on three Departments. I absolutely accept and agree that all Departments need to be progressing on an all-Ireland basis and that all need to be working towards an all-Ireland economy. As I mentioned, the key barriers to that are housing and skills. The Departments that are doing something are the ones that are being criticised in the motion, and that is why we needed to table an amendment. The other thing to say is that, when all those points of delivery that I noted were made, the SDLP welcomed every one of them. It has not, however, done anything to help deliver them. Today, the SDLP's focus is on saying that there is no delivery from those Departments. I am really confused by that. The SDLP put forward a proposal in its paper, but it is not costed, and there is no practical reality to it. It is all aspirational. We need to work collaboratively and cooperatively. The key is to work together to work out what is best for the economy across our country. We do that best when we work together. Focusing, for electioneering purposes, on three Departments that just happen to be led by Sinn Féin Ministers necessitated the tabling of an amendment, because those are the three Departments that are delivering and trying to change things. They are trying to undo 100 years of partition in our country and to better the economy. I commend the amendment to the House.
1,150 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.21 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.68).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.78).
- Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.22 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.04 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.14 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.06 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.68 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.21 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.78 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.01 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.01 |
| Adopts it | 0.20 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.87 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.09 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.03 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:06 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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