Debate contribution: First Minister and deputy First Minister Titles

Debate contribution by Mr Pat Sheehan on .

MLA
Mr Pat Sheehan
Party at the time
Sinn Féin
Date
9 March 2026
Type
Debate contribution
Business
Opposition Business
Heading
First Minister and deputy First Minister Titles
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 5452893

Read the official Assembly record

Text

Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle.

The offices of the First Minister and deputy First Minister are joint and equal in authority and responsibility. That principle is clearly established in law and reflected in how the offices operate in practice. However, our amendment reflects a simple but important point: changing titles alone does not address the deeper structural issues in our institutions that require reform. Through the work of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee, we have been engaging with credible and authoritative academics and constitutional experts who study these institutions closely. The evidence presented to the Committee has been consistent: altering the titles of the offices would be a cosmetic exercise and would do little, if anything, to make the institutions more stable or effective. The leader of the Opposition said that the health service is stagnating, environmental controls are stagnating and other issues are creating problems. Changing the titles of the First Minister and deputy First Minister would make absolutely no difference to that. While some may wish to focus on symbolism, the work in which Sinn Féin is engaging at the AERC is focused on substance. Every one of the issues that the Committee is dealing with is much more important than the issue that the leader of the Opposition has brought forward.

It is not at all contradictory. In fact, it is informative that the SDLP has never previously tabled a motion to equalise the titles of First Minister and deputy First Minister. I said this to the leader of the Opposition on 'View from Stormont', last week: why is he so obsessed with it now?

Is it because Sinn Féin holds the First Minister post? That is how it appears to us. There was no focus whatsoever from the SDLP on the issue before a Sinn Féin MLA became First Minister.

Nearly 28 years on from the Good Friday Agreement, it is entirely legitimate to discuss how our institutions might evolve. Sinn Féin is open to that discussion. We are engaging constructively with the evidence, and we are prepared to explore reforms that strengthen accountability and improve how these institutions function. However, those conversations must take place in the proper forum. I cannot understand why the SDLP is pre-empting the work that is taking place in the AERC. Perhaps the SDLP should engage a bit more constructively with the work that is taking place in that Committee rather than coming in here and grandstanding with a motion that will produce no tangible change to the operation of these institutions.

Go ahead.

First of all, when it comes to the AERC, I do not remember who proposed the —.

I will give way to the Chair of the Committee.

Absolutely. The role of the AERC is to produce reports; it does not actually make any decisions. One of the previous reports that I was involved in related to research that the AERC commissioned to consider the legislative output from the Assembly compared with that of other legislatures. When that research came back to the Committee, it was clear that the Assembly and Executive compared favourably with other legislatures on these islands. The Assembly and Executive Review Committee is where the detailed work and evidence gathering is under way. I do not want to make this personal with the leader of the Opposition, but he is very rarely on time for the start of the Committee meetings. There may be good reasons for that. I was surprised when he arrived on time the other day. Maybe that was because his uncle was giving evidence. There is a certain irony in the motion. It seems that the issue of titles has suddenly become a pressing concern for some only now that Sinn Féin holds the post of First Minister. There is another irony. The SDLP often lectures others in this Chamber about the use of so-called non-binding motions, yet this is now the third or fourth non-binding motion on institutional reform that the SDLP has brought to the House. If the aim is genuinely to advance reform, the most constructive approach is to engage fully with the work that is taking place at the Assembly and Executive Review Committee and work collectively on serious proposals. Our message is clear: Sinn Féin is up for the discussion on reform. We are engaging with the detail and will continue to do so through the proper forum: the Assembly and Executive Review Committee. That is the focus that our amendment seeks to bring to this debate. There is another issue that people tend not to mention.

Sure. Go ahead.

The discussion is about not only the single matter of the titles of First Minister and deputy First Minister but a substantive programme of reform. Those matters have to be taken together. If you speak to your party leader in the Assembly, he will tell you that every witness who has come to the AERC has been asked whether changing the titles would make any substantive or tangible difference. On every occasion, the answer has been no. You are talking about reforming the institutions, but you will not do that by changing the titles of First Minister and deputy First Minister. If you are serious about reform, engage with the other substantive and important issues that will make a difference to the workings of the Assembly and the Executive. I have one final point. One issue is completely forgotten when we discuss the poor delivery and stagnation of the institutions. We must always remember that one of the fundamental flaws in the institutions is that the DUP never bought into the Good Friday Agreement. It still does not. We have heard Ministers on the other side of the House say that they do not work in partnership with Sinn Féin. It is a badge of honour for them to get up and criticise the Good Friday Agreement. The issues to which they especially object are those of equality and parity of esteem. That is why, in 2026, we see DUP Ministers joining court cases against the erection of bilingual signage. Sin a bhfuil uaim.

1,023 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.41 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
  • The text adopts the identity-based framing in its own voice (0.49).
  • Subject area: Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy.
  • The overall probability was moderate at most and none of the culture-war criteria was close to being met.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.20No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.12No
Cultural grievance politics0.12No
Dog-whistle messaging0.38No
Controversy escalation0.39No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.34No
Overall judgement0.41Between thresholds
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing0.42
Reports or questions it0.02
Criticises or condemns it0.07
Adopts it (chosen)0.49
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy0.46
Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty0.40
Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations0.07
No identity-related subject0.05
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.01

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 15:03 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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