Debate contribution: Troubles-related Sexual Crimes and Child Sexual Abuse
Debate contribution by Ms Paula Bradshaw on .
- MLA
- Ms Paula Bradshaw
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 17 February 2026
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Troubles-related Sexual Crimes and Child Sexual Abuse
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5395024
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I support the motion and thank the Ulster Unionist Party for bringing this important debate to the Chamber. I start by paying tribute to the victims who have spoken out, including Máiría Cahill. It is really important that we hear their voices and act upon them. I should emphasise that the key reason for our support for the motion today is the principle behind it, which is that sexual crime should be recognised for what it is: the very worst form of abuse in society. Sexual violence, including child sexual abuse, is among the most devastating crimes that a human being can suffer. Its effects on the victim are horrifying, yet they are not confined to the victim. The trauma often ripples out to family, friends and communities and, ultimately, touches society. Therefore, it follows, in principle, that victims of sexual crime must have a clear path to recognition, acknowledgement, truth and justice. I concur with Mr Beattie and Mrs Dillon about encouraging people to engage with the criminal justice system now if they feel able to. There is little doubt that victims of the Troubles have for far too long been overlooked and that victims of sexual violence during the Troubles, in particular, have not been sufficiently prioritised. That is an unpalatable truth that the motion rightly speaks to. Sadly, we must also be honest about the challenges. As a member of the Committee for the Executive Office, I know that legacy processes are inherently extraordinarily difficult. Even leaving aside the length of time that has passed and the inherent complexities, developing a process that has widespread trust and can deliver appropriate acknowledgement and meaningful access to justice will be frustrating and arduous. Therefore, it appears to make sense that the starting point for such a process will be with institutions already in existence. At the same time, we must acknowledge the second element of the motion, which calls for such crimes to be included in the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill. We fully support engagement with the UK Government and ensuring that victims' concerns are heard, so, in principle, we have no difficulty with that. Such a legislative intervention at this stage would not be straightforward, but it would be the right one. Care must be taken to ensure that any amendment does not unintentionally create legal or procedural complications that could delay or undermine the process of building a system that will deliver recognition and justice to the victims. Dialogue and negotiation involving the new Legacy Commission may, in the end, be the most practical and effective route, regardless of legislative interventions. Nevertheless, we have no issue with exploring whether a legislative intervention may be helpful. I will add, from my experience of Executive Office issues, that support for victims must extend beyond investigations. I concur with Pam's comments around the victims and survivors strategy and the excellent work that is being delivered by community and voluntary groups across Northern Ireland. Specialist support services for victims are truly life-changing. Recognition and truth are important, but ongoing practical support is necessary. In closing, I will be clear: the path going forward must be about acknowledging the suffering that, too often, has been deprioritised. It is about sending a message that, even decades later, victims of sexual violence during the Troubles have not been forgotten and that their suffering is being taken seriously by the Assembly. It is about building a process that will, at long last, enable them to feel a sense of acknowledgement. The road will be long, but that is why we should start it now.
599 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.05 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.85).
- No identity-based framing was identified (1.00).
- Subject area: Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.04 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.02 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.03 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.85 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.05 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 1.00 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.74 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.14 |
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.11 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 14:52 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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