Debate contribution: UK-EU Customs Union

Debate contribution by Mr Jonathan Buckley on .

MLA
Mr Jonathan Buckley
Party at the time
Democratic Unionist Party
Date
9 February 2026
Type
Debate contribution
Business
Private Members' Business
Heading
UK-EU Customs Union
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 5369907

Read the official Assembly record

Text

Often, motions in this place are filled with contradictions. This motion, I would argue, takes that to staggering new heights. There are plenty of roundabouts in Craigavon, but the motion's roundabouts and U-turns are literally staggering. The Alliance Party is a fanboy of and cheerleader for the most robust Irish Sea border and friction to trade. Mr Honeyford, who could win an Oscar for his performance today, wants things to be checked and checked again. However, the real reason for the motion is not Alliance Party hypocrisy — we have come to expect that — but that its support among unionism has gone off a cliff. Alliance has cosied up to its useful lackeys across the Chamber to impose on Northern Ireland the most rigorous checks and friction with its largest trading partner, which is that within its own country. Mr Honeyford endorsed and pushed for those arrangements. I am feeling generous, so I will give way at any time for Mr Tennyson to talk me through the many contradictions in the motion. Let us start with the first one, which is that:

"North/South and east-west trade are essential to ... Northern Ireland".

That is true, but you must also accept that they are not equal, because, traditionally, Northern Ireland's trade within its own United Kingdom vastly outweighs that of its trade internationally, with the Republic of Ireland or with Europe. Therefore, choices must be made. A democratic choice made by the people of the United Kingdom was Brexit. Not all people agreed with it, and many Members in the Chamber did not. It is notable that Mr Tennyson's constituents and Mr Honeyford's constituents endorsed the concept, but that is for another day.

Let us look at specific choices. What political decisions have been made since that vote? On every occasion, the Alliance Party has voted against the interests of businesses, farmers, hauliers, manufacturers and consumers. I will give way to Mr Tennyson on that point.

It is not supposed to be a speech, Mr Tennyson. I listen acutely to businesses, and I always have. When you wax lyrical about east-west trade, it is a deception of the highest order, because your party has taken no interest in the concerns of businesses. It has scoffed and laughed continually at the real-life concerns. I sat in the Chamber for an hour and 10 minutes in order to quote them, and I was laughed at and ridiculed by Members of his party.

Secondly, they say that the UK's exit from the EU was reckless and that, ultimately, friction was predictable. Friction was not inevitable but for the very argument that was put forward by the Alliance Party. That party supported and normalised the protocol and, later, the Windsor framework, fully aware of the barriers that they would place within the United Kingdom. It is hypocritical in the extreme to condemn the outcomes whilst endorsing the cause. I argue that that is exactly what the Alliance Party has done repeatedly. Let us turn to the importance of dual market access, which Mr Honeyford often likes to talk about, but it bears no scrutiny. Why is that? It is because dual market access does not mean equal market access. You have placed barriers within our indigenous market, therefore affecting consumers, businesses and hauliers. Then we wanted to talk about the economic growth index. Let us look at the composite economic index, which showed that the 1% growth in economic activity across Northern Ireland in Q3 in 2025 compared with 2024. That was driven by an increase in the services sector of 0·6%; for those who are watching, that sector is outside the Windsor framework. Construction provided for 0.3% of that growth; it is outside the Windsor framework. Of that growth, 0.9% of that growth pertains to areas outside the grip of your grubby deals to destroy trade in Northern Ireland.

I have already given way, so I will continue. Then we have the endorsement and the importance of the Windsor framework. The motion goes on to say that, despite those protections, bureaucratic disruption continues. Well done, Alliance. Thanks for finally getting on-message. Those barriers were put in place because of the rigorous implementation of the protocol that you called for. In one afternoon, you voted to wilfully send over 300 areas of law from this place because you cared nothing for scrutiny or for the businesses that were affected. You would rather have a nice green tick beside your name from lining up in the Assembly to vote for motions and policy positions that undermine Northern Ireland's position. You voted against a motion to condemn and reject outright additional parcel taxes on the people of Northern Ireland —

— yet you come to the House today to say that you do not want that.

That is hypocrisy in the extreme.

806 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.24 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
  • No identity-based framing was identified (0.86).
  • Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
  • The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.24No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.11No
Cultural grievance politics0.02No
Dog-whistle messaging0.33No
Controversy escalation0.15No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.56No
Overall judgement0.24At or below not-flagging threshold
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing (chosen)0.86
Reports or questions it0.00
Criticises or condemns it0.00
Adopts it0.14
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty0.91
No identity-related subject0.08
Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations0.01
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.00
Parades, bonfires and commemorations0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 14:33 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

Disagree with this assessment?

Classifications can be challenged. A person reads every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.

Challenge this classification