Debate contribution: Adult Services Websites

Debate contribution by Mrs Naomi Long on .

MLA
Mrs Naomi Long
Party at the time
Alliance Party
Date
27 January 2026
Type
Debate contribution (made as a minister)
Business
Private Members' Business
Heading
Adult Services Websites
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 5345569

Read the official Assembly record

Text

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I am grateful for the opportunity to respond to today's debate. As most Members are aware, telecommunications is a reserved matter for which the UK Government have responsibility. However, as Justice Minister, I am unwavering in my commitment to protect women and girls from harm and to take every possible step within my powers to keep them safe from all forms of abuse and exploitation. The sexual exploitation of women and children is a form of violence against those women and children. Child sexual exploitation is a form of child abuse. Commercial sexual exploitation and the human trafficking of women and children through adult services websites — so-called pimping websites — is not acceptable in any form and is an affront to our values as a society. The previous speaker talked about people's choices, but I would ask whether people make those choices on the basis of desperation and need, as opposed to free will. There is a coercive element to people's decision-making that needs to be addressed when we deal with such issues. The fact that somebody chooses from a menu of particularly unpalatable options does not necessarily mean that they are content with their decision. The victims of such exploitation are some of the most vulnerable, and the crimes against them often go unnoticed and unreported. Victims are often hidden in plain sight on those websites. Social media and online activity have become integral to modern life, but they give rise to serious risks, particularly of grooming, exploitation and abuse. Pimping websites are online platforms through which sexual services are advertised. Evidence from other jurisdictions clearly shows that such sites are increasingly exploited by traffickers as a means to advertise, monitor and exert control over victims of modern slavery. They also give a veneer of professionalism and even respectability to something that is exploitative, degrading and dehumanising. The objectification and commodification of human bodies is profoundly disturbing and creates a risk of everyone in society being reduced in that way. The websites increase the scale and profitability of sex trafficking by making it easier to perpetrate the crime. Sexual exploitation and trafficking are already highly lucrative, and such platforms further enable the large-scale monetisation and industrial exploitation of some of society's most vulnerable individuals. The UK's Joint Slavery and Trafficking Analysis Centre has stated:

"Adult services websites represent the most significant enabler of sexual exploitation in the UK."

I am sure that Mr Carroll would agree that we need to take that incredibly seriously. Websites that facilitate the potential for exploitation cannot be tolerated, and we must work together to tackle the issue. Members are well aware that commercial sexual exploitation is a crime that does not respect borders. It is vital that we continue to work closely with our neighbouring jurisdictions to strengthen our collective response, share policy and operational developments and identify further opportunities for collaboration. Recognising the cross-border relevance of tackling commercial sexual exploitation, my officials are already engaged in work with other jurisdictions across the UK and Ireland to discuss how the crime presents in each jurisdiction and opportunities for collaboration on policy and operational activity. I am pleased that Assembly colleagues have recently established the all-party group on modern slavery and commercial sexual exploitation and launched an inquiry into adult services websites and their facilitation of those crimes. That is a welcome and proactive development that will provide important evidence on the scale and nature of the sex trafficking and exploitation facilitated online in Northern Ireland. I have every confidence that it will play a vital role in informing our policy response, strengthening protection for victims and disrupting those who perpetrate harm. It will reinforce our collective focus on tackling that abhorrent crime, ensuring that support for victims remains effective and firmly victim-centred. Importantly, it will raise awareness of the issue, so that the reporting is not something to be feared but is instead seen as a vital lifeline for those who find themselves trapped in a web of sexual exploitation and abuse. Where evidence from that inquiry and from operational partners identifies gaps in Northern Ireland's legal and regulatory frameworks, I will, of course, consider what further action is required to deter the platforms that enable the commercialisation of sexual exploitation. I have stated that telecommunications is a reserved matter under the responsibility of the UK Government. That means that I do not have the authority to legislate directly in the area or to ban websites in Northern Ireland, despite what some people have erroneously stated. If, however, it becomes clear that change is required, I will certainly engage with the UK Government to ensure that Northern Ireland-specific issues are considered in the context of any legislative developments at Westminster. As has been discussed in the debate, the UK's Independent Anti-slavery Commissioner is conducting similar research into adult services websites. Northern Ireland is included within the scope of that research, which is hugely important. I look forward to seeing the findings from that research and any recommendations for legislative or policy change that emerge from it.

I highlight to Assembly colleagues my Department's current work to tackle the crimes of human trafficking and modern slavery. On 10 July 2024, I launched a three-year strategy that sets out Northern Ireland's overarching framework for tackling slavery and human trafficking and establishes clear commitments for statutory bodies and civil society partners to ensure a coordinated and robust response. It is built on three central pillars: pursue, protect and prevent. Among its key commitments, the strategy prioritises the effective use of existing cyber investigative tools to pursue offenders and reinforces the importance of early and ongoing engagement between the PSNI and the PPS in all slavery and trafficking cases. My Department is proactively involved in the organised crime task force subgroup, which monitors the implementation and progress of the strategy. A report reflecting on the first year of implementation is expected to be published shortly. Support for victims is at the heart of the strategy. Tackling such crimes demands a collaborative, whole-system approach across society, and I remain firmly committed to supporting victims as they recover, rebuild and move forward with their lives. However, it is crucial that victims are identified to enable them to access the necessary support. It can be incredibly difficult for people to come forward, particularly in the "hostile environment" situation where people's immigration status is tied up with their being trafficked. They and, indeed, others may be fearful that, by being exposed or by exposing someone to contact with statutory agencies, they may uncover the illegality of their immigration status. That creates real jeopardy. The Anti-slavery Commissioner and I have discussed that at length. It is therefore important that we reassure people that, if they have been exploited abroad, as the majority of victims identified to date in Northern Ireland have been, we will be able to offer them that support here. A key priority of the strategy is to improve the identification of victims exploited in Northern Ireland. Too often, people assume that, because the word "trafficking" suggests some form of travel, people need to be physically moved from one place to another for their exploitation to qualify as trafficking, but being trafficked means being made available for criminal or sexual exploitation. Many people in our community are being trafficked within their community at the hands of paramilitaries and drug dealers in order to pay off debts, engaging in activities that they would not otherwise engage in. That is trafficking and needs to be recognised as such. The national referral mechanism is the UK-wide system for identifying and supporting potential victims of modern slavery and human trafficking. Individuals referred in Northern Ireland can access support funded by my Department, including safe accommodation, financial assistance, healthcare, social care and counselling. That vital support is delivered locally to female victims by Belfast and Lisburn Women's Aid. As Members know, the length of time for which that support is provided in Northern Ireland exceeds that in any other part of these islands. The bespoke, trauma-informed, wrap-around support delivered by our contracted providers offers victims access to specialist services that help them address the trauma of their past experiences while empowering them to recover, rebuild and move forward with their lives. In 2024, 15 people in Northern Ireland were identified as potential victims of sexual exploitation locally and referred through the NRM. In the first three quarters of 2025, that figure stood at 23. That rise is not just a statistic: behind it, there is evidence of a system that is becoming more alert, more responsive and more determined to uncover exploitation wherever it occurs, including in Northern Ireland. It reflects the real, tangible progress of the three-year modern slavery and human trafficking strategy and speaks to the unwavering dedication of the PSNI and other front-line services that work tirelessly to identify victims and bring those hidden crimes to light. However, it also hints at a growth in such exploitation. Victims of sexual exploitation are often not even aware that they have been advertised on pimping websites, and many more victims remain hidden. On a recent visit to Hydebank Wood Secure College and Women's Prison, I was shocked to hear the story of a young woman who realised that her supposed boyfriend was actually her pimp only when she discussed her relationship with other women in the prison. His use of her to pay for his drugs had become so normalised that she accepted it as part of a normal relationship, when, clearly, it is not. Convincing victims that they are, indeed, victims is a challenge. Prostitution and sex work can place individuals, particularly women, at significant risk of exploitation, sexual abuse and physical harm. Northern Ireland is the only part of the UK where the purchase of sexual services is a criminal offence, which reflects our firm commitment to reducing harm and tackling exploitation in all its forms. The Human Trafficking and Exploitation (Criminal Justice and Support for Victims) Act 2015, which Lord Morrow introduced in the Assembly as a Bill, and on which one of my predecessors as Minister of Justice, David Ford, worked closely with him, is based on the core element of the Nordic model, which is to criminalise the purchase of sexual services, thus tackling demand while decriminalising the selling of sex so that help can be offered to those who feel trapped. We should not be complacent, however, because if people think that they will be stopped when they are physically kerb crawling and trying to buy sexual services on the street, they will, of course, move their activities online in order to avoid detection. We have therefore seen a growth in what happens in the online space. That has been accompanied by rapid advances in technology, so online abuse and exploitation are becoming increasingly prevalent. The influence of the online world on our community, especially on our young people, is profound, shaping their attitudes and their ability to build safe and healthy relationships. As technology evolves, so too do the tactics of those who wish to cause harm. We cannot and must not stand still in the face of that challenge. We need to ensure that the criminal justice response evolves at the same time and at the same relentless pace as the tactics used by those who exploit others. We cannot afford to fall behind. Vulnerable women and girls will pay the price if we do. Where I have been able to, I have taken a proactive approach to strengthening online safety. Members will know that the Online Safety Act 2023 was a landmark step in protecting children and adults from online harm right across the UK. Ofcom, as the regulator, is driving forward implementation through clear guidance and robust codes of practice for online platforms. My officials continue to engage closely with Ofcom, including by providing a detailed response to its recent consultation on additional safety measures. It is fair to say, and I have been open about this, that I think that the Online Safety Act could and should have gone much further, but I will not fail in my desire to continue to press the UK Government on that. Although the responsibility for the 2023 Act and for telecommunications rests with the UK Government, I have worked to influence policy development, strengthen accountability and ensure that our interests are represented. Colleagues noted yesterday the significant protections that we brought in during the previous mandate and also in more recent times, so I will not rehearse them. I continue to keep the legislative framework under active review, however. I sought and received the Assembly's consent to extend a number of provisions in the Crime and Policing Bill to Northern Ireland, and I am now looking for consent for further provisions in due course, a motion on which will come before the Assembly. Those provisions include strengthening sex offender notification requirements; criminalising the creation of child sexual abuse image generators; introducing specific offences relating to pornography depicting strangulation and suffocation; updating the existing offence of possessing a paedophile manual so that it captures AI-generated material; introducing a power to impose stalking protection orders; introducing a specific offence against criminal exploitation of children; and introducing child criminal exploitation prevention orders to guard against exploitative behaviours. I also intend to table amendments to the Justice Bill at Consideration Stage to criminalise the creation and sharing of sexually explicit deepfake images. The debate addresses an issue that matters to every one of us: the safety of children, women and girls and of our wider communities. I commend the Members who tabled the motion for debate today. It shines a light on issues that often remain hidden and that leave victims feeling isolated, trapped and, in many cases, fearful or ashamed to speak out. There is no shame in poverty or desperation. There is shame, however, in using, abusing and coercing people living in poverty or who are desperate into acts that they would not otherwise wish to be involved in. I am determined to maintain momentum in that area, and, where evidence supports it, I will seek to strengthen laws further to better protect people in Northern Ireland, particularly those most vulnerable to exploitation. I will also continue to press the UK Government to advance legislation that reduces the facilitation of all forms of exploitation and abuse. I have therefore written to Jess Phillips, the Minister for Safeguarding and Violence Against Women and Girls, to explore further the options available, and I will keep the House fully informed of any developments as that work progresses.

2,443 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.04 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
  • Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.95).
  • No identity-based framing was identified (0.99).
  • Subject area: Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues.
  • The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.04No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.03No
Cultural grievance politics0.01No
Dog-whistle messaging0.04No
Controversy escalation0.04No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.95Yes
Overall judgement0.04At or below not-flagging threshold
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing (chosen)0.99
Reports or questions it0.00
Criticises or condemns it0.01
Adopts it0.00
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues0.64
Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups0.36
No identity-related subject0.00
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.00
Parades, bonfires and commemorations0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 14:22 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

Disagree with this assessment?

Classifications can be challenged. A person reads every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.

Challenge this classification