Debate contribution: Housing Costs

Debate contribution by Mr Robbie Butler on 19 January 2026.

MLA

Mr Robbie Butler

Party at the time

Ulster Unionist Party

Date

19 January 2026

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Opposition Business

Heading

Housing Costs

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 5322599

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion, and I intend to set out why we will support amendment No 1 from the DUP. There is no dispute about the scale of the challenge that we face. Private rents across Northern Ireland have risen sharply, and, for many households, those increases are now matching or are ahead of their incomes. Like many Members, I see that regularly through my constituency office, and I reiterate the point that the number-one issue that comes through my door in Lagan Valley is housing-related matters. At a time when people are already dealing with rising energy bills, increasing food costs and everyday pressures, rent has become a major factor, pushing individuals and families into housing insecurity. The private rented sector now carries far more of that weight in our housing system than it was ever designed to or has been asked to bear, and, sadly, that has not happened by accident. It is the result of a long-standing failure to build enough social and affordable homes. Successive Executives have not delivered at the scale required, and demand has inevitably spilled into the private sector. Many landlords in Northern Ireland are small-scale. Very often, they are looked at as if they are some kind of monolith, but, often, they own one or two properties, sometimes linked to retirement planning or family circumstances, and there is no single landlord profile and no universal framework that neatly fits every situation. However, recognising that reality does not mean accepting unfair or unjustifiable rent increases. That is why a proportionate, evidence-based approach is essential. The Department's work on rent regulation makes it clear that there is no one-size-fits-all model that can simply be lifted from elsewhere and applied here in Northern Ireland. Crucially, it also warns that poorly designed rent controls in supply-constrained markets can reduce availability and investment, which, ultimately, could make things worse for tenants. It is kind of an inverse perverse incentive. At the same time, it is equally clear that tenants need stronger protection than currently exists. We absolutely support that. Those two points should not be looked at as if they are in conflict, and that is why we will support the introduction of a rent adjudicator. A rent adjudicator provides balance and gives tenants a clear route to challenge excessive or unjustifiable increases whilst allowing landlords to demonstrate where increases are reasonable and are linked to genuine costs. It moves us away from blunt instruments and towards independent judgement, transparency and fairness. That is the right direction of travel, but it cannot be a sop or a substitute for delivering an ambitious housing transformation programme. Amendment No 1 strengthens the motion by grounding it in absolute reality. It recognises that existing measures alone are insufficient, not because of one single failure but because demand continues to outstrip supply. It correctly identifies insufficient capital investment in social housing as a key driver of rent inflation, and that matters. The pressure on rents is structural, not simply regulatory. Amendment No 1 also calls for a review of the house sales scheme, and that is both reasonable and necessary. When Members come to these non-binding motions, we need to remember that we have around 14 months left in the mandate and be honest with people about what we can deliver.

I thank the Member for that. Perhaps the Minister can pick up on that. I do not sit on the Communities Committee, but it is a good question. Obviously, the Member, as a former Minister, has significant experience.

A bad one.

The scheme is not beyond reform. Its original policy intent was sound. It had the legitimate aim of supporting long-term tenants to move into home ownership, providing stability for families. The issue is with how the scheme has worked in practice. Too often, homes sold under the scheme are lost from the social housing sector and not replaced with like-for-like homes. That point has already been made. At a time of acute housing need, it is a serious concern. The scheme can and should be strengthened so that, when homes leave the social sector, they are replaced. We also need to be honest about what the scheme does and does not achieve. In the short term, most properties that are purchased are already occupied by long-term tenants who will remain in those homes whether they buy them or not. The idea that the scheme frees up social housing in the here and now simply does not reflect the reality on the ground. I know that, over the past 10 years, the rules have been changed to reflect that and fix what is an imperfect scheme. That is why, rather than a blunt moratorium, we would prefer the sensible course of action that is hinted at in amendment No 1. It is also right to recognise the positive steps that have already been taken. The Minister’s work on intermediate rent and an affordable housing model is welcome and should be expanded. Those schemes provide real options for the households that fall between social housing and the private rented market. We need more of that ambition. I ask Members to reflect on what is deliverable. We must be honest with the people whom we represent. We have significant issues in our housing stock. It is the number-one issue in my Lagan Valley office, but I will be honest about what we can deliver in the rest of the mandate.

913 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

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Assessed 21 October 2026 at 14:17 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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