Debate contribution: EU Customs Fee on Small Parcels

Debate contribution by Mr David Brooks on 13 January 2026.

MLA

Mr David Brooks

Party at the time

Democratic Unionist Party

Date

13 January 2026

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Private Members' Business

Heading

EU Customs Fee on Small Parcels

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 5315966

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I beg to move

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. The motion goes to the very heart of what the DUP has consistently said: Northern Ireland should not and must not be treated as a place apart within the United Kingdom. When it is, the result is damaging for ordinary men and women, consumers, families and businesses. Under the protocol, businesses and consumers in Northern Ireland remain at the mercy of EU customs rules when buying online. The absurdity of the situation is that parcels that arrive from Great Britain — from within our own country — are perversely regarded as trade from a third country. That is not just bureaucratic nonsense; it clearly undermines the principle of consent enshrined in agreements to which some Members in the Chamber have feigned devotion but which, when it has suited them, they have shown a willingness to dispatch when it better fits their own aspirations. The motion is necessary because Brussels has decided to impose a new €3 customs duty on small parcels from 1 July 2026 on consignments below €150. That charge is part of broader EU customs reform that aims to abolish the exemption on parcels of €150 altogether and may be accompanied by additional handling fees later in 2026. Whether we call it a "levy" or "fee", it remains an additional cost on parcels levied by a foreign, unaccountable authority whose writ should have no place in Northern Ireland. If the charges were to be applied to movements from Great Britain to Northern Ireland, prices here would rise, and choice would shrink again. Small businesses would have to navigate needless hoops again. Customers would be bitten by Brussels again. Let us remember how we got here. Article 5 of the protocol entrenched EU customs law in Northern Ireland for goods movements, and the EU's customs code continues to apply when goods enter Northern Ireland. That is not good for Northern Ireland consumers, its businesses or its economy. When the Europhiles on the Benches opposite zealously defend the EU like a football fan who has picked their team and will see no fault in it, we should recognise — indeed, they should recognise — that, in doing so, they are actively picking the interests of the EU over solutions for Northern Ireland and our people. When Sinn Féin, the SDLP and Alliance chose in late 2024 to support the continuation of arrangements that kept article 5 intact, which kept Northern Ireland aligned to EU customs rules, that was a disservice. They are now posturing by speaking against tax rises from London while tolerating Brussels picking the pockets of people in Northern Ireland with levies that are not applicable to other parts of the United Kingdom. We have been on similar ground before. My party's action prior to the Windsor framework forced changes on parcels. Our pressure meant that many of the worst bureaucratic demands on parcels were set aside. However, we also warned that it was not a permanent fix; it was a political sticking plaster. It merely treated symptoms rather than the cause: the recurring parasite of the continued primacy of EU law. Meanwhile, real-world consequences have mounted. The Consumer Council for Northern Ireland has tracked shrinkage in choice, noting that, even by February 2025, a significant number of retailers still did not deliver to Northern Ireland. That is a tangible, measurable loss to households.

When the new EU general product safety regulation (GPSR) came into force here in December 2024, we all heard about small UK firms stopping shipments to Northern Ireland rather than add to their compliance burden. That is the impact of the imposition of EU law on Northern Ireland.

Some will argue that the measure is aimed at small parcels from China in order to counter Chinese fast fashion from companies such as SHEIN or at the influx of cheap foreign goods from platforms such as Temu and DHgate. It seems that the primary aim is to try to close off the incentive that sees such companies send large-value orders in smaller packages of under €150 in order to avoid paying fees. The UK grapples with similar issues, although, as with many issues that we deal with on the Windsor Framework Democratic Scrutiny Committee, the differing timelines leave Northern Ireland consumers vulnerable to charges, costs and obstacles that are not applicable elsewhere in the United Kingdom. The question therefore is this: why must the measure apply to Northern Ireland? I hope that other parties in this place would choose Northern Ireland interests over the needless zealotry of Brussels bureaucracy. It goes back to the point that we have made repeatedly at the Committee, which is that, often, the subjectively positive aims of the EU's legislating on any issue, and whether such legislation would be successful in achieving something deemed positive, unless properly balanced against all its impacts on Northern Ireland businesses and communities, should have no bearing. Although I respect the interests of other nations and their right to make their own decisions, I care much less about what legislation achieves for people in France or Italy than I do about its impact here. How does the measure impact on consumers? How does it impact on our businesses and our communities? It is why the UK, and, in devolved areas, the Assembly, not foreign powers, should have responsibility for its own laws. Even where we have similar interests, we should have the freedom to decide how we choose to deal with issues. If we had Brexit, we would. Those, however, who tell us repeatedly that that is the cost of Brexit deliberately ignore the fact that this is evidence that we have never been granted the Brexit that the largest ever democratic exercise in this country voted for. Instead, we have special status, or rigorous implementation — call the constitutional outrage what you will — but it is not the Brexit that was promised by Vote Leave or warned about by Remain, which would have seen Northern Ireland treated similarly to the rest of the United Kingdom. Currently, goods brought into Northern Ireland from Great Britain face no customs fees if the applicable EU rate of duty is zero. If imposed, however, the EU's new flat fee per item will potentially require more local businesses to be signed up to the UK's internal market system, with all the time, cost and upheaval that that entails. That scheme currently allows goods staying within the UK to maintain some level of facilitation when moving to our part of the United Kingdom, even where the relevant EU tariff is higher than the UK's. How the Government respond to that threat will ultimately be a test of whether they have the backbone or inclination to resist the emergence of additional trade barriers within the United Kingdom. It is concerning that the announcement seems to have caught officials off guard, and it adds to the concern that is often raised at the Committee about the lack of appropriate horizon scanning or engagement at Whitehall. Those cannot be solely desktop, tick-box exercises. Our circumstances are as a result of UK Government actions. A sitting UK Government must own and live up to their responsibilities to the people of Northern Ireland. That Whitehall was blindsided by the Council of the EU's decision undermines the trust that the UK Government expect the people and politicians of Northern Ireland to place in them. Businesses need clarity now. Complexity is already evident in Royal Mail and carrier guidance. There are also UK internal market scheme (UKIMS) registrations, reduced datasets and risk-based interventions, with the slightest EU changes able to shift the ground under our traders. We know that independent retailers and microsellers have already struggled with GPSR compliance. Adding customs fees and handling charges to low-value items is and will be for some a bridge too far. Consumers here will pay more than their counterparts in Great Britain if the EU-imposed costs are passed on to them. The disconnect between the EU and the UK timetables only worsens uncertainty. Legal and trade experts are already warning that the EU reform brings in platform responsibilities, new fee lines and administrative weight. The motion is not abstract but a test of the Starmer Government's mettle.

The UK Government must explicitly reject any new customs duty on parcels moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland. They must restore sovereignty and decision-making over UK trade, and they must defend the integrity of the UK internal market, ensuring that there is no disparity in the treatment of low-value parcels between GB and NI. Where facilitations under the UK internal market scheme or partial easements no longer provide equal protection, Ministers must use the framework's legal mechanisms and notify the Joint Committee. However, if Brussels then refuses to listen within 30 days, and we revert to the original protocol provisions, that simply demonstrates the democratic deficit that we have condemned from day 1. The clear solution is the end of EU law in Northern Ireland, but, short of the UK Government coming to that realisation in the immediate term, there are practical and reasonable steps that the UK Government must take. They must guarantee that consumer parcels from GB face no customs duty or handling fee not applied by the UK Government across the UK and that the parcels staying within the UK internal market are shielded, without the imposition of further registration burdens on honest traders. If the EU's own regulation preamble claims that 2023 parcel simplifications are not affected, we must codify an explicit exemption for Northern Ireland for movements from GB. We don't need warm words but guarantees. Unionists have been consistent: no internal borders in our own country; no foreign customs codes over our domestic trade. The people of Northern Ireland should not pay to receive a birthday present from Glasgow or a spare part from Birmingham.

We must stand up for local traders and households.

Thank you.

1,661 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

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Assessed 21 October 2026 at 14:12 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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