Debate contribution: Food Security

Debate contribution by Mr Andrew Muir on 1 December 2025.

MLA

Mr Andrew Muir

Party at the time

Alliance Party

Date

1 December 2025

Type

Debate contribution (made as a minister)

Business

Private Members' Business

Heading

Food Security

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 5269614

Read the official Assembly record

Text

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. This DUP motion is perhaps one of the most bizarre that the Assembly has debated for a long while. It is riddled with contradictions and, as per usual, light on solutions. DUP Members bemoan the outworkings of Brexit, a cause that they championed, which has damaged the UK economy and resulted in appalling trade deals, negotiated by Boris Johnson and Liz Truss and endorsed by the DUP, that have thrown our farmers under the bus. They want to support the agri-food sector, but willingly pulled the rug from under it after gleefully supporting the White Paper on immigration and, indeed, calling for the UK Government to go much further, clear in the knowledge of the serious impact that that is having on the labour supply for local agri-food businesses. They complain about the climate change legislation that their own Minister progressed and which they all voted for at Final Stage. They call for a just transition, yet fail to acknowledge that it is their own party that is holding up moves to set up a just transition commission designed to ensure the very thing that they want. All of that is disingenuously framed within the issue of food security. I acknowledge the importance of food security. However, as we all know, it is a complex topic with a range of risk factors: most notably, geopolitical, as well as the very real impacts of climate change and biodiversity loss. While there are many definitions, the most widely used one is from the 1996 World Food Summit, which defined food security as:

"when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life."

There are many interacting factors that shape and determine the stable relationship between people and food that is at the core of that definition. Food security, therefore, cannot be reduced to a single metric or concept. It is complex and multifaceted. Northern Ireland's agri-food sector is indeed a strategic asset, employing around 80,000 people with a gross value added of around £2 billion per annum, accounting for 36% of total manufacturing sales. I have clearly set out my vision for the sector where financial and environmental sustainability go hand in hand. I reaffirm my commitment to building a thriving, resilient and environmentally sustainable future. We are a proud food-producing region, recognised internationally for our high-quality produce, most notably milk and meat products, which command a significant premium in export markets. However, we also rely heavily on importing significant quantities of other food products, such as fruits and vegetables, which is why I remain committed to expanding our horticulture sector. Farmers are central to our future food security, but food security is not just about farms; it includes our fisheries and aquaculture sectors. Foods from aquatic sources, both wild-caught and farmed, generally have a significantly lower carbon footprint than terrestrial animal-sourced foods, offering an opportunity to deliver low-carbon food security, support rural economies and contribute to Northern Ireland's decarbonisation commitments. My Department's marine environment and fisheries fund ensures that Northern Ireland's seafood sector remains strong and sustainable and that our fisheries and aquaculture sectors thrive while contributing to environmental targets and food security. At a national and global level, the risks to our food security are growing. Climate change, biodiversity loss, geopolitical instability and supply chain disruptions that increase costs to farmers, food producers and consumers are very real. I am also acutely aware that, at a household level, disposable incomes are lower in Northern Ireland than in other parts of the UK, which puts significant pressures on the affordability of food. I am therefore proud to have secured Executive agreement on the long-term Northern Ireland food strategy framework and its associated two-year action plan. A key focus on addressing food inequalities and developing a right-to-food culture while recognising the need for a more sustainable agri-food sector and utilising the necessary science, technology and skills to support that transition is absolutely fundamental. In January this year, via a written ministerial statement to the Northern Ireland Assembly, I provided an update on my Department's new programme of farm support, which was required as a result of EU exit. Through striving to achieve its four outcomes of improved environmental sustainability, enhanced productivity, stronger resilience and an effective, functioning supply chain, the sustainable agriculture programme has an important role in the delivery of DAERA's key priorities. I am extremely proud to be the only devolved Minister in the UK to have secured ring-fenced funding totalling £332 million for agriculture, agri-environment, fishery and rural development, which enables the sustainable agriculture programme to be delivered this year and in future years. Many strong and positive benefits from the sustainable agriculture programme are being delivered, most especially the bovine genetics scheme. That scheme is a no-brainer. The conditionality associated with the farm sustainability payment is proportionate and fair. However, without rhyme or reason, the DUP saw fit to vote against it. I am grateful that others saw sense, and I am glad that we are pushing forward and are able to realise the clear and real benefits for our farmers. In the run-up to the referendum in 2016, many warned about the implications of Brexit, with Northern Ireland's sharing a land border, involving over 200 crossing points, with an EU member state. Indeed, Tony Blair and John Major visited Derry/Londonderry to set out those issues. However, the DUP carelessly ploughed on regardless, mistakenly trusting charlatans such as Boris Johnson, just like it is doing now by putting its faith in Nigel Farage, despite all the warning signs. The Windsor framework is the outworking of Brexit. Although it is not perfect, it provides the best way forward, short of the UK's rejoining the single market and customs union, which it really should. The Windsor framework and the unique dual market access that Northern Ireland enjoys is a real economic benefit and a safeguard for many in the agri-food sector in Northern Ireland. Without the Windsor framework, the dairy industry, for example, would be sunk. The DUP knows that, but, as ever, it is prepared to play fast and loose with people's jobs. I am not prepared to do that; nor am I prepared to sit back and bemoan some of the issues encountered. That is why getting an agri-food SPS agreement between the UK and the EU has been a priority for me ever since the new UK Government came into power. I am pleased to report that negotiations commenced last month on the legal text of that agreement between the UK and the EU. That is a positive step forward. The agreement, once implemented, will provide greater certainty for businesses across the UK and will reduce the need for checks on goods moving between GB and NI. Differences in regulations related to trade will always bring about trade frictions and complications; hence I have been pressing the UK Government to seek the maximum possible dynamic alignment with the EU regulations as part of an agreement that creates practical and sustainable arrangements that can be implemented as soon as possible. The proposed simplifications and one-year delay to the application of the EU deforestation regulation (EUDR) will be welcomed by businesses. However, we still require urgent clarity on the extent to which the EU deforestation regulation will apply in Northern Ireland. I have repeatedly asked the UK Government, who lead on the EUDR, to communicate the relevant arrangements as soon as possible.

While veterinary medicines are not under my direction and control, their continued supply has been a key issue for me. Whilst the most recent work by DEFRA and the Veterinary Medicines Directorate suggests that the situation may be less critical than initially feared, I understand the ongoing concerns about product availability. I welcome the introduction by DEFRA and the Veterinary Medicines Directorate of the veterinary medicine internal market scheme and the veterinary medicine health situation scheme from 1 January next year. The schemes are designed to be responsive, adaptable and capable of addressing anticipated and unforeseen supply issues. I will continue to work closely with the UK Government, whom I met again last week, and the veterinary medicines working group to ensure that the schemes are governed effectively and deliver the outcomes that we need. In responding to calls for clarity on ammonia controls, it is important that I first set out the context. The report by the Office for Environmental Protection on the issue, published in October 2024, is essential reading. Ammonia levels in Northern Ireland are shockingly high and must be reduced. The OEP report starkly sets it out that DAERA:

"failed to comply with environmental law"

on ammonia advice. The report states the cold, hard fact that the previous Minister just kept kicking the can down the road:

"A letter sent from DAERA to the OEP on 7 August 2023 explained that direction was therefore sought from the DAERA Minister on three separate occasions between 21 May 2020 and February 2021. From the information we received during our investigation, it is clear that no ministerial direction was provided".

The issue on which DAERA was acting unlawfully was rectified towards the end of 2023, after the OEP initiated legal action against the Department. The immense challenge is to reduce emissions whilst dealing with practical issues such replacement sheds. I am committed to finding a lawful way forward, and I look forward to a key meeting with stakeholders in the next few weeks, when we can hopefully set out a pathway ahead. I will move on to the call for me to urgently bring proposals to the Executive to reduce Northern Ireland's interim 2030 and 2040 emissions reduction targets and the nonsensical idea that those are aspirational goals. They are not; they are legal obligations, democratically set by the House. As ever, on the issue of climate action, the DUP is out of step with the world of business, just as it was on Brexit. Look at all the businesses that have signed up to the Business in the Community climate action pledge: companies such as APB Food Group, Almac, Belfast Harbour Commissioners, Danske Bank, Encirc, the Galgorm Group, GRAHAM, the Henry Group, Hughes Insurance, Northern Ireland Water, Translink, Wrightbus and more. They are leading the way, and I am determined that Northern Ireland will not be left as a laggard yet again, dragging our heels and refusing to grasp the real benefits of decarbonisation in creating the good, green jobs that the people of Northern Ireland deserve. For the avoidance of doubt on the matter, I will not consider or bring forward proposals to reduce the 2030 or 2040 emissions reduction targets. My focus remains on continuing to implement our existing legislative commitments, which were agreed by the Assembly. It is important that we provide our businesses and investors with certainty and confidence whilst ensuring that Northern Ireland realises the benefits associated with decarbonisation in a fair and balanced manner. We have seen at first hand the impact that severe weather events such as flooding and storms can have on our businesses, communities and environment. Just over a month ago, we debated a motion calling on the First Minister and deputy First Minister to strengthen infrastructure and emergency response systems due to concerns about the impact of the increasing frequency and severity of storms. As we all know, the DUP has a long history of climate scepticism and denial of science. Take, for example, Sammy Wilson, a man who has said that man-made climate change is a "gigantic con" and a "hysterical semi-religion". Those DUP views talk down the UK's role as an international, global leader and show the DUP to be a party that has learned nothing from Brexit and continues to be completely unable to comprehend consequences. Taking action to reduce our emissions is important to protect food production against the ever-worsening impacts of climate change. Alongside mitigation actions, my Department is leading the development of Northern Ireland's third climate change adaptation programme. The programme contains over 280 actions across all Departments, including 28 actions focused on building resilience to the impacts of climate change on our food supply system. Food security is one of our most immediate and economically significant reasons for maintaining strong climate ambition. Without emissions reductions and climate adaptation, we face a future in which we put our farming community at risk. The amendment to the motion calls for progress towards our emissions reduction targets to be:

"consistent with a just transition for agriculture".

I am committed to ensuring that there is a fair and just transition as we work towards reducing our emissions. A key part of that transition will be supporting sectors. I am pleased to have allocated funding to a dedicated just transition fund for agriculture, and I will continue to seek further funding for that. It is not about pitching climate against food production. Farmers are our greatest ally in tackling climate change, and many already play their part and should get credit for that. I have seen at first hand many examples of innovation and positive action and of farmers leading the way. In line with the just transition principles and the 11 objectives set out in the 2022 Act, my role is to help support them to do that, and I will continue to do so.

The amendment states:

"emissions reduction targets must promote food security, be fair, evidence-based, avoid culls, be consistent with a just transition for agriculture and avoid carbon leakage".

The 2022 Act has measures relating to carbon leakage, and I support those. I continue to seek Executive agreement to bring forward regulations to establish a just transition commission that will provide advice and hold all Departments, including mine, to account by ensuring that we have a just transition principle. That commission will be made up of independent experts and will have representation from the agriculture sector. If the DUP is serious about a just transition for agriculture, I ask it to please stop sitting on those regulations, which have been with the Executive since September. It should agree the paper and let me get on with the job. Holding up tangible ways to safeguard a just and fair transition for agriculture is unreasonable, irrational and disrespectful. We must address the issues that are in front of us, and we must do that together. I am committed to doing that.

2,417 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 14:06 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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