Debate contribution: Ireland and Northern Ireland — A Joint Census Publication 2021-2022
Debate contribution by Ms Kellie Armstrong on .
- MLA
- Ms Kellie Armstrong
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 24 November 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Ireland and Northern Ireland — A Joint Census Publication 2021-2022
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5254553
Read the official Assembly record
Text
OK, let us get back to what we are talking about here. Population statistics are not just things on a page; they are the story of who we are, how we live and how we plan for the future. The census is more than just numbers; it is the evidence that is supposed to guide our decisions on health, education, infrastructure and the environment. Without that, we would be navigating blind. So, those who say that they represent a point in time need to talk to the statisticians in our Departments who use those figures for 10 years. The census allows us to consider our labour force. The working-age population defines our productivity capacity, and participation rates shape our economic strength. Skills distribution reveals the gaps that we must fill. When we understand those dynamics, we can act to reduce unemployment, address shortages and strengthen productivity. Knowledge is power, and the census gives us that power. The motion welcomes the census as a tool, and, rightly so. The census tells us about the £12·5 billion in all-island trade. It talks about the fact that commuting has gone up 25% since COVID, which you would expect because nobody could move around during COVID. It talks about shared infrastructure — the single electricity market is one issue that needs to be sorted out for the future of housing — and the Windsor framework and the common travel area. It also talks about joint initiatives such as enterprise schemes, trade missions, tourism collaboration and so on. The message is clear: our island is growing, ageing and becoming ever more interconnected. The census confirms that. The evidence is there, and the challenge is ours. Northern Ireland must not be left behind. We need to make this place work. I have to be absolutely clear: accuracy matters. The census, whether we have it alongside an Irish census or a GB census, must reflect today's realities, not yesterday's divisions. When was the last time that we looked at our census and the questions in it? I know that the motion is for all the Executive Ministers, but I specifically ask the Minister of Finance what comparisons have been made with other censuses across these islands and whether questions will be updated to ensure alignment and that we have the evidence that we need to plan better for Northern Ireland's future? Finally, I must raise a point of frustration. The second religion question, which asks not only current affiliation but upbringing, is outdated. It is unnecessary, and it is misleading. It has been removed in England and Wales and Scotland, and it was removed in Ireland in 2016. It is an optional question and is, therefore, unreliable. If we are to be serious about fact-based evidence, let us remove questions that distort the picture of who we really are and put in questions that tell us more about the economy and the economic movements that we need in this place. The census is our mirror: it must show us clearly, not through the lens of the past. Let us use it to build policy on truth, not tradition; on evidence, not assumption; and on the future, not the Troubles. Therefore, will the Executive, particularly the Minister of Finance, because the census sits with him, remove the second religion question from the 2031 census? Let us be the same as all other parts of these islands.
568 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.18 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.77).
- The text criticises or condemns the framing or division (0.52).
- Subject area: Religion and belief (including people of no religion), churches, faith communities and religious prejudice (including antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.14 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.14 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.12 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.24 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.77 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.18 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.23 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.01 |
| Criticises or condemns it (chosen) | 0.52 |
| Adopts it | 0.24 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Religion and belief (including people of no religion), churches, faith communities and religious prejudice (including antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice) | 1.00 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 14:02 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
Disagree with this assessment?
Classifications can be challenged. A person reads every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.