Debate contribution: Windsor Framework: Ongoing Harm
Debate contribution by Mr Phillip Brett on .
- MLA
- Mr Phillip Brett
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 17 November 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Windsor Framework: Ongoing Harm
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5245182
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I beg to move
I am pleased to move the motion in my name and those of my colleagues. We can come to the debate and attempt to refight, as some parties seem to want to do, the old wounds of the Brexit years. They can call out the democratic decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union. I can respond by challenging Members' views on the rigorous implementation of the protocol, and we can have back and forth on those issues. From my perspective, however, that does not move the discussion or the debate forward by one iota. Every week at the Committee for the Economy, my colleagues and I hear from a wide range of people with diverse perspectives who are concerned about the ongoing impact that the Windsor framework is having on them. They do not come to have a discussion of the constitutional consequences of it. My colleague Mr Buckley will continue to set out our party's constitutional objections to the Windsor framework. That is why we, as a party, have on two separate occasions voted down the Northern Ireland protocol in the House of Commons and opposed the Windsor framework in the House of Commons and the House of Lords. This debate is an important opportunity for all Members of the House to stand together and state that the current operation of the Windsor framework is not ideal by any stretch of the imagination and that its impact on consumers, businesses and communities across Northern Ireland is clear. Some statements that were issued by political spokespeople in advance of the debate have set it out that they wish to re-fight the Brexit wars. However, at this stage, I will be happy to give way to any Member who wishes to articulate any objection to what we have set out in our motion. The motion makes clear the impact on our businesses and communities. I will read some of those impacts into the record. Just two weeks ago, the Road Haulage Association (RHA) came before the Committee for the Economy, and members of all political parties were united in supporting the views that they made clear, which I will read into the record. We heard from a businessman from south Antrim who has operated a logistics company in Northern Ireland for the past 30 years. He operates all over the world, but he stated that the border in the Irish Sea is:
"the most complex border in the world"
when it comes to moving goods, and that is within the internal market of the United Kingdom. That company alone is being billed a quarter of a million pounds as a result of paperwork, additional administration and the need to take on additional staff as a result of the Windsor framework. As a UK-wide representative, he made it clear that 450 haulage firms across the United Kingdom had closed in the past three years. The evidence that the Road Haulage Association submitted in advance of the meeting clearly spelled out the impact of the framework. Goods sales from Great Britain to Northern Ireland dropped by 2·4% last year, and there has been a 30% drop in goods moved from Great Britain into Northern Ireland since 2002. That is not just a unionist issue; it impacts on every community across Northern Ireland, as they have less choice and higher bills and, come 1 January, will face even more difficulties. The Road Haulage Association made it clear that, as a result of the Windsor framework, the majority of businesses that source or transport their goods from Great Britain have additional costs and that delays have been created. Let us not just take the RHA's word for it; let us turn to the Federation of Small Businesses (FSB). Week after week, Members from all sides of the House stand to praise the work of our small businesses, because they recognise that over 90% of our businesses in Northern Ireland are microbusinesses or small businesses and that they are proudly the backbone of our economy. The FSB set out a report in the summer which highlighted the implications of the Windsor framework for its members. Trade disruption is widespread. Of the businesses that responded to its survey, 58% of those that trade between Great Britain and Northern Ireland report significant challenges in operating across the UK internal market. Over one third have already ceased trade rather than deal with new compliance demands. Strategic confidence is plummeting, with 50% of affected firms not confident in planning for the year ahead. Do not take my word for it; take it from the FSB. I will move on to the National Franchised Dealers Association (NFDA), representatives of which appeared before the Committee six weeks ago. They made it clear that, from 1 January, vehicles registered in Northern Ireland must have EU type approval, while cars registered in Great Britain will follow rules under the UK Government. As a result, consumers will have less choice; car sales in Northern Ireland will plummet; and taxes on consumers will be increased.
Do not take my word for it. Let us take the word of the Member for Lagan Valley, who sits on the Committee for the Economy and made it clear that those regulations were "a nonsense" and that for car traders in Northern Ireland:
"it's the worst of every world for you".
With that, I assume that the Alliance Party will support our motion. However, the words at the Committee will be very different, no doubt, from its members' words in the House today, because they will want to turn the debate into a constitutional one, rather than send a clear view from the House that businesses are being negatively impacted on by that. The Northern Ireland Scrutiny Committee and Lord Murphy produced reports in recent weeks, and I want to read some of the content of those into the record. The Northern Ireland Scrutiny Committee is made up of members who supported the United Kingdom leaving the European Union and those who did not. It concluded:
"The current arrangements have created a complex and opaque structure difficult for business and civil society stakeholders to navigate."
The Chair of the Committee said:
"We strongly support proposals to enhance Northern Ireland's voice early in the EU legislative process".
He also said:
"It was clear from the concerns raised by businesses, civil society and political representatives"
— through formal and informal evidence —
"that the democratic deficit in Northern Ireland remains unresolved."
That is what is clear in our motion. We make no attempt in the motion other than to reinforce the words of the Northern Ireland Scrutiny Committee. I want to turn Lord Murphy's report. Lord Murphy, who came to our Committee just two weeks ago, recognised the challenges that the Windsor framework represented for businesses and communities across Northern Ireland. Despite his terms of reference requiring him to have cross-community support for any changes, he still set out a list of changes that needed to be made to the current Windsor framework. UK veterinary medicines was a huge issue, and he highlighted that, on 1 January, up to 40% of those may no longer be available. That point was reinforced by the former leader of the SDLP who now sits in the House of Lords, Baroness Ritchie of Downpatrick, who made it clear that the current position on veterinary medicines under the Windsor framework was intolerable. We have on the record the Federation of Small Businesses, the Road Haulage Association, the National Franchised Dealers Association, the Member for Lagan Valley Mr Honeyford and the former leader of the SDLP all criticising the current Windsor framework arrangements. The House has an opportunity not just to sit in Committee and support businesses when they come here but to send a clear message today that it wants to see the Government deliver on their commitments to the people of Northern Ireland and that the border in the Irish Sea be removed for the benefit of all people in all communities across Northern Ireland.
1,346 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.18 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.89).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.84).
- Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.09 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.05 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.10 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.07 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.89 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.18 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.84 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.07 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.06 |
| Adopts it | 0.03 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.99 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 13:48 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
Disagree with this assessment?
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