Debate contribution: Irish Language Street Signage in Belfast

Debate contribution by Mr Matthew O'Toole on .

MLA
Mr Matthew O'Toole
Party at the time
Social Democratic and Labour Party
Date
13 October 2025
Type
Debate contribution
Business
Private Members' Business
Heading
Irish Language Street Signage in Belfast
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 5176413

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I also have very few focail

. I am a very poor Irish speaker. I am not ashamed of that, but it is something that I would love to rectify, and I intend to do so. I want to learn Irish. I am trying to learn it with my kids. Like Sian Mulholland, I have very young children who are looking at the Irish language, exploring it, learning it and thinking about the place names — the places and the people — of the city that they live in and of other places that they visit on this island. In a strange way, thinking about it from first principles is important. It allows us a way into the debate.

It would be easy for me to castigate the DUP for the terms of the motion, because it is irresponsible and not really about getting to a place of greater understanding or discussion. It is about forcing a confrontation. However, before I come to that, I will acknowledge something that has been said, so that I am not accused of distorting views. It is obviously true that there are many unionist communities, especially working-class unionist communities, that are not greatly enthused about the Irish language. That is an obvious statement of fact. It is also true that, in communities that I represent in South Belfast, lots of people are not all that enthusiastic about the fact that flags fly, all the time, all year round, on the streets where they live. They go to their elected representatives, but they have no means of ensuring that the flags come down or even of ensuring that there can be an agreed way of regulating them. Constituents often come up to me, as I am sure that they do with all Members, in the shop or even the pub, to talk about issues. Flags is one of the things that people regularly come up to me to talk about, sometimes in quite colourful language. They use words that are not necessarily as Gaeilge

— sometimes they use words that have an Anglo-Saxon origin — and they ask, "What about those flags in the street? I do not mind if they go up in July and there is an agreed process for getting them down". Those people are asking for a process and system of regulating a cultural expression that is not theirs.

I will, Mr Brooks, in a second. What Belfast City Council agreed was a policy to accommodate cultural expression. By the way, it is not exactly the same thing: they are not parallels at all. Many people who enjoy, celebrate and want to learn the Irish language are from unionist backgrounds. They are there, by the way, Mr Brooks. They are British and have that identity. However, there is no means of me regulating, for my constituents, the flags on the street corners, whether they are national flags or paramilitary flags. I put that point to some of the Members opposite. I presume that they will now enthusiastically support a system that allows for majority referenda for flags in streets. I will give way to Mr Brooks.

Thank you very much, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Mr Brooks, you have just established one of the problems with that situation, which is that it relies on an informal system, effectively a client system, whereby people go and there is a boy whom they know who can have it —.

You may not, but that is what you imply. We cannot get an agreed system for dealing with flags. Flags are not the issue that we are talking about: we should be talking about the Irish language.

The DUP tabled a motion about an aspect of cultural expression.

It talked about regulation and deeply objected to it.

I will give way in a second —.

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. I acknowledge that many people do not feel attached to the Irish language. I say two things to that. The first is that our job as political representatives is not simply to reflect the worst fears of the people who elect us; sometimes, it is to reassure and even to challenge people. I can tell you — I mention the flag parallel briefly — that, when people talk to me about that, I say to them, "Bear in mind that this means something deep to your neighbours". Therefore, let us have a bit of empathy and grace and think better of one another. The Irish language is a part of us all, whether we like it or not. The Member mentioned the name of his DEA, Lisnasharragh: where does that come from? If the place name "Shandon Park" was translated into the English language, it would be "Old Fort Park." At a certain point, we have to be honest with ourselves and honest with the people who represent us. I am not suggesting that absolutely everybody in unionist communities is thrilled about the Irish language, but, first of all, they are dual language signs and, secondly, there are many people in those communities who are open-minded about the language and want to learn more about it. Just for a change, rather than reinforcing people's worst fears, why not say to them —

No, I do not have time. Why not say to them, "You do not have to be afraid. We can build something together in this place. It does not always have to be zero-sum."? That is what I say to my constituents when I talk about a new Ireland. I say, "Flags and British cultural expression are at the heart of my vision for a new Ireland." Would that all of you were a little bit more optimistic and hopeful for the people whom you claim to represent.

966 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Not flagged on a second assessment, because Jev’s answers did not settle it. The reasons are given below.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.55 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • Criteria met: Identity framing (0.78); Cultural grievance politics (0.79).
  • The text criticises or condemns the framing or division (0.45).
  • Subject area: Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy.
  • The answers did not meet either automatic threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Second assessment

Jev’s answers did not settle this record, so a second model, claude-opus-5-5, read the same text (without the MLA’s name or party) and gave its reasons on 21 October 2026. How the second assessment works

Verdict
Not flagged
Public interest or divisiveness
Mixed

Against the published rubric

The contribution argues against a motion opposing Irish-language street signage, acknowledges that many unionist communities are 'not greatly enthused' about the language, and urges members to reassure rather than 'reflect the worst fears' of voters. It does not portray any community as a threat or illegitimate. Its criticism of the motion as 'about forcing a confrontation' targets a party's policy rather than a community. There is a sarcastic flags comparison ('I presume that they will now enthusiastically support... majority referenda for flags'), which is point-scoring, but the main thrust is defending dual-language signage and arguing that the issue 'does not always have to be zero-sum'.

Public interest or divisiveness

Most of the speech engages with the substance of the signage debate and actively opposes division. It appeals for 'empathy and grace', points out that place names across the city have Irish origins, and says British cultural expression would be at the heart of the speaker's vision. However, the extended flags tit-for-tat and the jibes at members opposite continue a familiar communal argument even while the speaker complains about confrontation, so the divisive element is substantial rather than incidental.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.78Yes
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.11No
Cultural grievance politics0.79Yes
Dog-whistle messaging0.33No
Controversy escalation0.55No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.35No
Overall judgement0.55Between thresholds
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing0.28
Reports or questions it0.08
Criticises or condemns it (chosen)0.45
Adopts it0.19
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy0.95
Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations0.04
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.01
No identity-related subject0.00
Parades, bonfires and commemorations0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 13:30 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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