Debate contribution: Irish Language Street Signage in Belfast

Debate contribution by Mr Brian Kingston on 13 October 2025.

MLA

Mr Brian Kingston

Party at the time

Democratic Unionist Party

Date

13 October 2025

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Private Members' Business

Heading

Irish Language Street Signage in Belfast

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 5176216

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I beg to move

Thank you, Madam Principal Deputy Speaker. Our motion asks Members to recognise that Belfast City Council's current policy on dual language street signs is flawed, disrespects the views of residents, damages community relations and needs to be urgently reviewed and changed. When I commenced on Belfast City Council in 2010, there was a dual language street sign policy and a steady flow of applications under it, most adding the name in Irish but some adding the name in Ulster Scots. The thresholds then were that a petition from one third of residents in a street triggered a formal survey and that the agreement of two thirds of residents was required for a dual language sign to be approved. In 2020, Sinn Féin sought to change those thresholds, and, with the support of the SDLP, People Before Profit, Alliance and the Green Party, they were drastically reduced. That has resulted in a policy that disrespects residents' views and, as I said, in our view, has damaged community relations, particularly in streets that are quietly mixed and where residents from different community backgrounds otherwise live side by side peacefully and with a large degree of tolerance. I was present at the council's strategic policy and resources committee meeting in October 2020 when the new draft policy was tabled. It was astonishing to hear the Sinn Féin group leader proposing an ever-reducing percentage of residents that would be required for approval of a dual language sign, which the Alliance Party group leader kept agreeing to as though it were a reverse auction. They were asked, "Would you accept one third?", then, "Would you accept 25%?", and then, "Would you accept 20%?". Finally, they consented to just 15% of residents. The new policy was forced through the council by Sinn Féin, the SDLP, People Before Profit, Alliance and the Green Party despite opposition from all unionist councillors from the DUP, UUP and PUP. The new policy is that a survey can be triggered by a request from just one resident in a street or by a councillor for that district electoral area (DEA) who does not even have to live in the street. As a result of that drastic change, the system has been overwhelmed with requests for surveys, at a rising cost to ratepayers. Let me be clear: where residents consent to an Irish language sign with no or little opposition, the DUP does not oppose the request. However, we oppose, and will continue to oppose, applications for which a majority of residents who have responded to the survey say that they do not want a dual language sign in their street. It should be noted that, in most cases, the majority of residents do not even respond to the survey. Residents are given only 14 days in which to respond. The DUP tried to increase the deadline to 28 days, but nationalist parties would not support that. In the early days of the new policy, councillors adopted a convention of not approving an Irish language street sign where more residents voted against than for. However, since March this year, nationalist councillors, supported by Green Party councillors, have been forcing applications through, ignoring the majority wishes of residents and the objection of unionist and even Alliance councillors. In my constituency of North Belfast, for Sunningdale Park North, 22 residents voted for an Irish language sign, but 33 voted against it. Some 60% of respondents were against, yet the sign was forced through by nationalist and Green Party councillors.

Indeed. We remember the calls of those who said that we could not have majority rule when unionists had a majority in councils and in the Assembly, but how things change when other parties have the majority.

I was also going to give the example of —

— Ben Madigan Park South. I will give way briefly. Yes, Danny.

The point is this: residents' wishes should be listened to. People have a right not to have an Irish language sign if they do not want one. If they do not want that cultural branding, they have the right not to have it. I will come on to that point.

No. I need to make progress. Ben Madigan Park South is another example in North Belfast: 23% were in favour, but 26% were against, and, again, the sign was forced through, disrespecting the majority wishes of respondents. I have been visited at my office by residents who are outraged by such outcomes, which have confirmed our fears about an unfit process causing resentment and damaging community relations on streets that are quietly mixed. Some have said that it has caused them to seriously consider moving. Many have said that it will reduce the value of their property by reducing potential interest from the unionist community —

Some might laugh at that, but it is a reality. It is widely viewed as cultural branding of their street, the equivalent of painting kerbstones red, white and blue or, in this case, green, white and gold. The 'Belfast Telegraph' reported two weeks ago that, since the rules came into force in 2022, fewer than one in eight Irish language street signs approved in Belfast — just 12% — were supported by 50% or more residents of the street. The same article revealed that, out of 228 streets approved for Irish language street signs, the level of support among respondents in 42 of the streets was 25% or less. A recent LucidTalk poll for the 'Belfast Telegraph' found that less than a third of voters agree with the current council policy. As we know, in Northern Ireland, there is a strong overlap between community identity, culture and politics; I am not saying that they are one and the same, but there is a strong correlation. Irish language street signs are viewed as indicating a nationalist-majority area. Whether we like them or not, we have a number of arrangements in Northern Ireland regarding where cultural expressions can or cannot take place; where parades can and cannot take place; and where flags can be flown and where they would be considered contentious. Location is paramount in these cultural matters. Residents who are surveyed expect their views to be respected. When they are ignored, residents feel aggrieved, outraged and imposed upon.

I will, for the last time, briefly.

What I am saying is this: if you attend meetings with the police, they will tell you that location is important. Union flags and bunting are, thankfully, welcome on the Shankill Road, but I accept that there are areas where they would not be welcome. Location is important. It is important to listen to the views of the local community and not to impose things from afar.

No. I am going to run out of time. In reality, most unionists do not wish to have a dual language street sign on their street, and they have the right to not want it. Those who say that no one should oppose an Irish language sign expose only their own arrogance and their dismissal of the wishes of residents. To be clear, everyone who speaks Irish can speak English perfectly well, so the requests for those signs are not based on necessity, nor are they based on historic roots, because the majority of Belfast street names do not come from Irish; some do, but the majority do not. In closing, I expect that the Alliance Party will point out that its councillors have voted against adding an Irish language street sign where a majority of residents are against it. The problem is that such signs are being pushed through by nationalist and Green Party councillors. The Alliance Party voted in a policy that it cannot control. The policy needs to be reviewed and changed. I strongly believe that the policy is damaging community relations in Belfast, particularly in mixed areas. I therefore urge Members to support the motion's appeal to Belfast City Council to carry out a review and change its unfit policy.

1,340 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Qualifying Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy

Jev’s structured answers

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 13:28 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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