Debate contribution: Legislation Programme 2025-26
Debate contribution by Mr Mark Durkan on .
- MLA
- Mr Mark Durkan
- Party at the time
- Social Democratic and Labour Party
- Date
- 13 October 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Executive Committee Business
- Heading
- Legislation Programme 2025-26
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5176115
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I would say that this legislative programme is as weak as water, but that would probably give it too much credit. What happened to "Doing What Matters Most" and making government work? It is almost symbolic that this publication has landed after the deadline, typical of the delay and dysfunction that has become a hallmark of this Executive. What we have heard so far from contributors from Executive parties is how brilliantly their Ministers are doing and how badly all the other Ministers are doing, but they will all still vote for it. Other Members have lamented the truncated terms that we have had inflicted on us as MLAs and that some parties here have inflicted on the public of the North or Northern Ireland over the past decade.
The Member, in part, pre-empted my point: where is the legislation, albeit it may be required from Westminster, or where is the will to prevent parties from pulling down these institutions on a whim again, trying to punish each other but ending up punishing everyone? Looking specifically at the Communities brief in my capacity as Opposition spokesperson, it is deeply disappointing that the programme does not even begin to scratch the surface. It is far removed from what was promised under the Programme for Government and by previous Ministers. This is a Department at the heart of social justice, the Department that touches every household: housing, welfare, culture, sport, the community sector, local government and more. It should be the beating heart of social change. Instead, it is flatlining under the weight of broken promises. Let us take housing. The only proposal here is a proposal to address antisocial behaviour. Seriously? That is, sadly, necessary, but it is really surface-level stuff. The fundamental review of social housing promised major systemic reform — making the system fairer, better use of housing stock, a focus on homeless prevention — none of which we see here and none of which we will see for the rest of the mandate. There is nothing on tackling the hundreds of millions being spent on emergency housing, addressing empty homes or making use of publicly owned land. There is nothing that will actually address the 50,000 people- or household-long waiting list, and it is growing. Where is the reform of the private rented sector or the Housing Executive's ability to borrow and build? Assurances were made in the previous mandate that they would be a day 1 priority for the incoming Executive. The North remains the only region in the UK — we discussed this last week — without a statutory fuel poverty target: another promise seemingly quietly dropped. Then, there is welfare. The debt respite scheme is welcome, but it is a carbon copy of that which was introduced in England four years ago. It is a catch-up measure, not a policy breakthrough, but it is typical of the copy-and-paste approach of much of this legislative programme. Meanwhile, there is still no plan to mitigate the two-child limit or to tackle food insecurity, child poverty or the widening gaps in universal credit. On pensions, we get another parity Bill. More reaction, no transformation. What happened to the promises of new gambling legislation, the reform of private rent, the implementation of the welfare mitigations advisory panel recommendations or the full suite of promises made under the perennially delayed fundamental review of social housing allocations? This is what passes for ambition from a Minister and an Executive that should be leading the fight against poverty, not simply ticking boxes. What we have before us today will not change lives. It will not lift families out of poverty, build homes or restore confidence in public services. This reads a bit like late homework thrown together at the last minute in a half-hearted attempt to submit something. While I have been lamenting the lack of legislation, I have not even started on the quality of the legislation that we eventually get. Today's very underwhelming School Uniforms (Guidelines and Allowances) Bill is a classic case in point: all mouth and no trousers — quite literally, in some instances. I would expect better from my children. Our expectations of the Executive were certainly not high, but we are still disappointed. Is this the best that you can do? Is this the best that people can expect?
723 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.08 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.86).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.97).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.05 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.06 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.05 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.86 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.08 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.97 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.03 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.83 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.06 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.04 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.03 |
| Sport (including the GAA), the arts and cultural bodies | 0.01 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 13:28 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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