Debate contribution: Regional Imbalance
Debate contribution by Ms Sinéad McLaughlin on .
- MLA
- Ms Sinéad McLaughlin
- Party at the time
- Social Democratic and Labour Party
- Date
- 6 October 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Regional Imbalance
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 5157202
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I beg to move
I speak in the interests of fairness and opportunity for people across Northern Ireland, because fairness — the basic promise that everyone should have a fair crack of the whip and a fair shot in life — is at the core of the motion and at the heart of regional balance. However, the reality of our economy is that wealth is dictated more by postcode than by merit or talent. Let us begin with the facts: people in Derry face a gap of around 10% in employment and economic activity compared with other areas across the North; average wages are almost 30% lower than in Belfast; the rate of poverty in our north-west communities is double that of some other parts of Northern Ireland; the rate of drug deaths in the most deprived parts of the Western Trust area is almost two and a half times the trust average; and from 2019 to 2021, people in the most deprived areas of Derry and Strabane were likely to die seven years earlier than the Northern Ireland average — a gap that has widened since 2015. It is a problem that is felt passionately by many people west of the Bann who are locked out of opportunity, including by embarrassingly poor transport links. In 2012, we had a regional development strategy that emphasised the importance of modern infrastructure, but, 13 years later, look where we are. The European Commission's regional competitiveness index ranked the north and west of Ireland at 218th out of 234 EU regions for infrastructure. We have failed to move the needle, and people west of the Bann still pay the price, not least through the failure to deliver the A5, a project that is vital not just for the north-west but for Fermanagh and Tyrone. Its completion would open up access to jobs, trade and investment across the region. The failure to deliver the A5 is not just incompetent but a betrayal of the families who have lost loved ones on that road. It is regional imbalance writ large. Modern roads are not just tarmac; they are the arteries of economic growth. Regional imbalance does not stop at the Bann, however. Some of the 10 most deprived wards in Northern Ireland are in the North Belfast constituency of my Economy Committee colleague, Phillip Brett, and in West Belfast. Members across the Chamber can attest to the impact that that has in their constituencies every day. This is not a question of west versus east; it is about fairness and building a Northern Ireland that works for everyone. A report by the International Longevity Centre UK recently measured local authorities by inequalities in health, wealth and opportunity. Derry was ranked the third worst in the UK. It was 357th out of 359. When we talk about deprivation, we must also talk about air quality. Poor air quality is a serious yet often overlooked indicator of poverty and health inequality. It is of little surprise then that Foyle is above the Northern Ireland average for respiratory conditions such as asthma and COPD. Those facts tell the real story of Northern Ireland today, and it sits totally at odds with what we hear from Ministers in the Chamber. Regional balance is not about pitting one area against another. What is good for the west should be good for Northern Ireland as a whole. That is the challenge, and it is our responsibility as legislators. Despite the rhetoric, regional balance remains a claim on paper — just warm words. For too long, it has been used to pacify the long-standing demands of people who have been denied the university that they were promised, the investment that was pledged and the economic justice that they deserve. We welcome the recent progress on Magee. The number of higher education students in Derry now stands at around 6,000. However, when you set that against the 46,000 students in Belfast, you see that it is not balanced. The resignation of Kieran Kennedy from the board of Invest NI was a stark warning and a damning indictment of the Executive's failure to deliver for regional economies, especially in the north-west. Kieran is a respected voice who understands what is at stake. His decision speaks volumes about the lack of urgency and cultural change at the heart of Invest NI. It was interesting to read about an hour ago that Invest NI has just advertised a new role for the head of regional business in Derry. What a coincidence. Given the decisions on the football fund that left clubs such as Derry City Football Club and Coleraine Football Club out in the cold, it is clear that regional balance still is not embedded across Departments. So what needs to change? We need an economic strategy that drives growth in every part of the region, recognising the comparative disadvantages of each area and ensuring that no community is left behind. We need a skills policy that links education with opportunity and seizes the jobs of the future, from green energy to AI. We need to see progress on the subregional economic plan and a whole-government approach to make it work. That is why our motion calls on the Minister to ensure that every Department plays its part. It is why I have brought forward a proposal for a regional balance Bill, which has now been formally submitted to the Speaker's Office. I look forward to engaging with the Speaker and hope that the Bill will be granted approval to progress to the drafters. It is in the interests of every Minister in the Chamber that the legislation goes forward, because poverty does not care about borders or council areas. We should all want a society where our chances of a good education, access to healthcare and a prosperous future for our children are not decided by our postcode. The First Minister recently told us that the north-west is thriving. I will never stop speaking up for the north-west. I am probably like a broken record at this stage. I will also never stop being honest. Walk around the streets of Derry and ask people whether they think that our city is thriving and whether they feel the difference of government in their wage packet or their daily life: "thriving" is not the word that you will hear. One year ago, the subregional economic plan declared a new, strategic approach to economic policy that placed regional balance at its heart. One year later, people still wait to see and feel the difference and to even understand what the purpose of the plan is. That needs to change. With a different approach that is grounded in fairness, evidence and ambition, it can change. I put the motion to the Floor.
1,133 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.10 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.95).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.97).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.07 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.04 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.05 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.95 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.10 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.97 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.02 |
| Adopts it | 0.01 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.78 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.12 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.05 |
| Sport (including the GAA), the arts and cultural bodies | 0.02 |
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.01 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 13:26 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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