Debate contribution: Social and Affordable Housing: East Belfast
Debate contribution by Mr David Brooks on .
- MLA
- Mr David Brooks
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 3 June 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Adjournment
- Heading
- Social and Affordable Housing: East Belfast
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4986159
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I thank my constituency and party colleague for securing this important Adjournment debate. The acute demand for housing in East Belfast is no surprise to anyone here. We understand, of course, that it is not an isolated issue but a reflection of some of the pressures that are faced across Northern Ireland. Perhaps that is why there is interest in the Chamber today. Rising demand, ageing infrastructure, inflation and a cost-of-living crisis are all challenges that have placed significant strain on our housing stock, particularly for those who are most acutely in need of social housing. Addressing those challenges will require a multifaceted approach. As we have heard many times today, we cannot get away from the need to build more homes. On that, I echo the view of colleagues in hoping to see a time where we see the Housing Executive building again and supporting the mapping exercises that are going on as well to identify locations in East Belfast for that. We also need to look at some of the existing but more dog-eared and less habitable stock and bring it back into use. I think that the Minister gets that. He has shown that he gets it, while being limited by a severe lack of funding available to his Department and by the failure of the Department for Infrastructure — I understand its budgetary issues — to deal with the water infrastructure issues that are perhaps the most significant hurdle to unlocking the building of more affordable and social homes. I note that, in the Minister's most recent housing supply statement, he said that he has confidence that Executive colleagues are ready to carry their weight on those issues, and I certainly hope that his confidence is well founded. I credit the Minister for his determination to seek innovative means of improving and progressing the circumstances of people who require social housing and those who struggle to afford private rents but are perhaps unlikely to be able to access social housing any time soon. I also welcome his determination to address the problems that were caused by abuse of the intimidation points system, which has long skewed that system. That is one of the issues in East Belfast that I focused on first — I raised it through questions for written answer and in the press — following my election to this place. The growing demand for social housing in East Belfast far outpaces the available supply; nobody will be surprised to hear that. They have heard my colleagues give the data and figures that show the steady increase in demand. Families, individuals with disabilities and older residents are among those in most need of secure and affordable accommodation. A lack of homes and the longer waits for homes place people in increasingly precarious living situations. Compounding the issue is the limited number of new social homes being constructed in the area. While, as my colleagues have said, private developments have sprung up, particularly in Dundonald, they often cater to middle- and higher-income residents and offer little relief to those on waiting lists. It is obvious to me, as a private renter who is seeking to become a first-time buyer, that the current rise in rental prices is unsustainable. A range of factors have contributed to the rocketing of rental prices over the past number of years. I and others have raised in the House the significant problem of the growth in the number of houses in multiple occupation and Airbnb-style short-term lets in residential communities. In a housing shortage, we see existing stock and traditionally lower-cost private homes in traditionally working-class communities being bought up as commodities, which has the dual effect of corroding our residential communities and driving up costs by removing supply from the market. I say this clearly to the Executive as a whole and to the Department for the Economy, which is responsible for the regulation of short-term lets: it is not enough to regulate the quality and safety of those properties for tourists; they must also be regulated and restricted to prevent their proliferation bringing greater harm to residents and communities. In combination with that, when discussing HMOs, one cannot overlook the malevolent impact of government immigration policy. I want this to be clear: I do not speak to demonise those who have come here, but it would be wilful ignorance to pretend that the approach of the UK Government, through Mears — paying landlords often generous rates that are guaranteed over a set period — has not pushed private rental costs higher. A few short years ago, when I worked for my colleague Joanne Bunting, there were times when I advised constituents that, while I would do all that I could for them, their low points would mean a long wait and that, in the meantime, they may need to look at private rental options. While that remains a stark reality, it borders on the ridiculous to give such advice. On that point, I recognise the Minister's exploration of options specifically for those caught in that quandary, including bringing forward the intermediate rent initiative and his ongoing support for co-ownership to make it easier for those who are able to take that first step towards owning a home. However, it remains the case that, when faced in our constituency offices with people who have those problems, we have to provide that advice, even when we know that they will struggle to cope in the current market. A combination of factors has reduced the availability of long-term rentals and inflated rental costs across the board. Last weekend, I saw on social media a Victorian-era, standard two-bed, mid-terrace house in the Bloomfield area, which has one bathroom, one reception room and a backyard that is functional for little more than bin storage, being advertised for over £1,000 per calendar month. I see today that it is "let agreed". That is over a grand a month for what has traditionally been entry-level social housing. That is not to mention other costs, such as deposits, and it is not an extreme example, which also exist. That has become standard, and it feels as though costs have doubled or more in recent years. That is unsustainable. Mr Deputy Speaker, I have more to say, but I realise that I am coming towards the end of my time, so I will just concur with all the sentiments that have been expressed by colleagues. Again, I thank my colleague for bringing the issue to the Floor.
1,089 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.11 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.93).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.65).
- Subject area: Immigration, asylum, race, ethnicity and Travellers.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.08 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.13 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.22 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.07 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.93 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.11 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.65 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.02 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.02 |
| Adopts it | 0.31 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Immigration, asylum, race, ethnicity and Travellers | 0.98 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Disability (including neurodivergence and mental health), disabled people and disability or sickness benefits | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:47 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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