Debate contribution: European Future for Northern Ireland

Debate contribution by Mr Eóin Tennyson on 2 June 2025.

MLA

Mr Eóin Tennyson

Party at the time

Alliance Party

Date

2 June 2025

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Opposition Business

Heading

European Future for Northern Ireland

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 4981565

Read the official Assembly record

Text

Thank you, Principal Deputy Speaker. In the five years since the UK left the EU and almost a decade since the referendum, we still have no sign of a single, solitary benefit of Brexit. We are still waiting on even a glimpse of the "sunlit uplands" that were promised by the grifters who promoted Brexit in the first place. Brexit has changed our place not only in Europe but in the wider world, and, with that, our ability to respond to global challenges, including climate change, peace and security, poverty and migration. It also damaged the UK economy, contrary to what a number of DUP Members have said. Those Members need only take a cursory glance at the economic growth that Northern Ireland has enjoyed relative to GB, or, indeed, at our export growth under the Windsor framework. They need only compare those with the alternative to see the protections that are now in place and the dividends that we are reaping from them for our economy. Of course, the borders and barriers that Brexit has created have been felt most acutely in Northern Ireland. They have threatened the delicate balance of relationships upon which we, as an interdependent and shared society, rely. We in Alliance have always been clear that the key to resolving those tensions is closer alignment with the EU. The people of Northern Ireland know that too. That is why people from across our community voted in 2016 to remain and why they have voted in increasing numbers since for parties that recognise the need for pragmatic solutions. Meanwhile, as we heard today, those who cheerled Brexit are in complete denial about how we got here and where we should go next. The DUP continues to engage in the same fantasy politics that walked us into this position in the first place, calling for the removal of the Windsor framework in the absence of any credible or workable alternative. The recent UK-EU summit was undoubtedly a step in the right direction, finally embracing the veterinary agreement, which Alliance was the first party to call for. It has been remarkable to watch the longest U-turn in history by Members from the DUP, who now seem to also embrace that solution. In an increasingly uncertain and unstable world, where there is war in Europe, tech broligarchy threatening to interfere with democracy and an unpredictable occupant in the White House, the reset of the relationship between the UK and the EU is more important than ever. However, we want to go further. We want to build a closer and more dynamic relationship with Europe, with progress being made on issues such as veterinary medicines, forming a customs union and, ultimately, reversing Brexit, as that is the only way to deal with the tensions, contradictions and frictions that have been posed for Northern Ireland in particular. In coming to the debate, we felt that an amendment was necessary for a number of reasons. I will walk through those in turn. The first is the fact that there are two routes back to the EU. Those are either via the UK as a whole reconsidering its position or via constitutional change under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. We can quarrel in the Chamber over which of those is the more likely, but that is a factual statement. Our amendment recognises, with parity of esteem and without diminishing the motion, the opposing aspirations of some Members. More fundamentally, irrespective of whether Northern Ireland is in the UK or part of a united Ireland, I do not want to see borders or barriers anywhere on these islands. It is in our interests, as an interdependent society, therefore, for both the UK and Ireland to be full EU members. That would avoid those tensions and frictions, irrespective of our constitutional position. The coalition for Remain in Northern Ireland drew support from across our community from people who are nationalist, people who are unionist or people who do not fit comfortably into either of those boxes. Our amendment recognises the diversity in that coalition, which has been the strength of the pro-European Union movement in Northern Ireland over many years. I will reflect on some of what was said in the debate. I agreed with Cara Hunter when she talked about respect for different constitutional perspectives and about constitutional change not being inherently negative or divisive, with people being entitled to express their view. I agree with that, but she proceeded to deride, insult and dismiss those of us who are non-aligned as fence sitters. That is an interesting strategy to persuade people to come around to your side of the argument. Crucially, however — I would expect the SDLP to know this — the motion is not inherently divisive. If it were simply a question of having a non-binding vote in the Assembly to determine our constitutional future, we would have sorted it out a hundred or more years ago. The only outcome of the debate will be that people will discover that the DUP and UUP are unionist, the Alliance Party is non-aligned and Sinn Féin and the SDLP are nationalist. You could have asked a school student that and got the same answer. We implore all Members to support the amendment as an inclusive —

— way forward on the issue.

891 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:46 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

Disagree with this assessment?

Classifications can be challenged. A person reads every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.

Challenge this classification