Debate contribution: Election of the President of Ireland: Voting Rights

Debate contribution by Mr Stewart Dickson on .

MLA
Mr Stewart Dickson
Party at the time
Alliance Party
Date
6 May 2025
Type
Debate contribution
Business
Private Members' Business
Heading
Election of the President of Ireland: Voting Rights
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 4929917

Read the official Assembly record

Text

At the beginning of the debate, I need to make a declaration of interest. I am the chair of the Council for Democratic Elections, which is a constituent body of the Venice Commission — the international organisation that, through its independent experts, vets and verifies electoral law and electoral law changes. Both the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland are signatories to that international treaty. As such, Ireland will be required to submit any changes to electoral law in advance. One matter to take note of is that the Venice Commission has set a very clear standard for changes in electoral law. It states that no changes should be made in the year in which an election is scheduled except in the most urgent of circumstances. Many states across Europe and around the world have arrangements in place for out-of-country voting, including the United Kingdom. It is interesting that Ireland has some of the most restrictive out-of-country voting regulations. For example, in order to allow out-of-state Irish passport holders to vote, substantial amendment to the current Irish voting regulations will be required, not to mention a change to the Irish constitution by referendum. Let me turn to what the motion represents. It is about fixing a democratic anomaly that should have been resolved quite some time ago. I met some young people in my constituency recently — bright and politically engaged students from Carrickfergus Grammar School and Ulster University — who looked at situations like this and asked the perfectly reasonable question: why can someone from Northern Ireland be president of Ireland but not be able to vote in that election? Do you know what? They are right, because it does not make any sense. The motion is not about proposing some radical change. It is about squaring a basic circle of democracy. The principle is simple: if you are eligible to hold an office and if you wish to have, as the Good Friday Agreement gives you, the right to be recognised as a citizen of Ireland, you should be eligible to vote for that office. That is simply democracy 101. The Good Friday Agreement was not just about ending our violence. It was about building a normal and shared functioning society, where rights are not just theoretical but real and meaningful. Yet, here we are, nearly an entire generation later, still having to point out those issues. That tells you all that you need to know about how far we still have to go. I do understand that some in the Chamber may have concerns, but let us be clear about what the motion is not. It is not about changing borders or sovereignty, nor is it about diminishing anyone's identity. It is simply about making sure that when we talk about rights and identities in this place, we mean actual, tangible rights that people can exercise. Twelve years ago, the Irish Government's own Convention on the Constitution, made up of ordinary citizens and experts, looked at the issue and said clearly that they wanted a change. To those who might oppose the motion, I will ask you to consider this: if we truly believe in the principles of the 1998 agreement and if we genuinely want to build a society where all identities are respected equally, we should have the confidence to support this small but important step forward for those who wish to participate in Irish presidential elections.

Yes.

Thank you very much. I do not disagree. That is a debate not for this Chamber but for the Irish Government and for a referendum going forward. At the end of the day, this is not just about politics but about people. It is about every person, young or old, who wants an opportunity to participate in the democratic life of Ireland and on this island. It is about everyone who wants to see the promises of the Good Friday Agreement made real in their everyday lives. Today, if this motion passes, it sends a message that, in Northern Ireland, we take all identities and all democratic rights seriously. It is up to the Government in Dublin: if they wish to hold a referendum and to change the electoral law to allow for those who wish to vote in presidential elections to do so, the right is theirs to so do.

725 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.14 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
  • None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
  • Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.82).
  • No identity-based framing was identified (0.99).
  • Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
  • The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.10No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.02No
Cultural grievance politics0.04No
Dog-whistle messaging0.03No
Controversy escalation0.09No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.82Yes
Overall judgement0.14At or below not-flagging threshold
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing (chosen)0.99
Reports or questions it0.00
Criticises or condemns it0.01
Adopts it0.00
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty0.96
Another identity-related subject0.03
Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations0.01
No identity-related subject0.00
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:27 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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