Debate contribution: Fiscal Devolution

Debate contribution by Mr Timothy Gaston on 29 April 2025.

MLA

Mr Timothy Gaston

Party at the time

Traditional Unionist Voice

Date

29 April 2025

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Opposition Business

Heading

Fiscal Devolution

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 4921785

Read the official Assembly record

Text

It did not take long for the first Member in the debate to turn the blame to Westminster. We heard about Tory austerity and Labour austerity. However, Members always stop there. They do not go on to say that, when the Stormont Executive set the Budget, it is made-in-Stormont austerity owned by Sinn Féin, the DUP, Alliance and the Ulster Unionists. Yes, it may sit outside the camp, but the SDLP yearns for the day when it returns to the Executive table. I appreciate that the SDLP, which tabled the motion, is a nationalist party. I also appreciate that Sinn Fein and Alliance, which are cheerleaders for the motion, are also nationalist parties. In that regard, I understand that the motion fits their long-standing desire to dilute the bonds that bind the United Kingdom together. There is, however, a fundamental contradiction here. If the SDLP were serious about being the Opposition — we hear about it being a constructive Opposition that always keeps the gloves on — it would recognise that Stormont is fundamentally dysfunctional. Devolving more sensitive fiscal powers to an Assembly that is up and down more times than a yo-yo is not in Northern Ireland's interests. Let us be clear about what is at stake. The idea of devolving corporation tax was frequently discussed years ago, and it has been mentioned here today. In 2014, the Treasury made it plain that cutting corporation tax would slash our block grant by £400 million to £750 million. That would devastate our public services, which are already under significant pressure. More recently in the House, we debated an Ulster Unionist motion that called for an Irish Sea VAT border. I was amazed to be the only unionist to voice opposition in that debate. Beyond that, however, under the protocol, control over VAT and goods has already shifted to Brussels. Goods moving between Northern Ireland and Great Britain are now treated as exports and imports, complete with extra documentation because we are subject to EU VAT rules, not British ones. Far from wanting control of those powers, the SDLP was happy to give them away to Brussels. The supporters of the motion need to answer this: if Stormont takes control of more fiscal powers, who will pay for the inevitable shortfall in the funding of our health system, our roads and our schools? It would not be a Gaston speech without a quote from Professor Holtham. The Holtham commission, in considering the devolution of corporation tax for Wales, rejected it because it would

"introduce substantial unwelcome volatility into the Welsh budget."

My goodness, Stormont would do well to reflect on that advice before dragging Northern Ireland further into greater instability. I fully support Northern Ireland being funded to the level of need, but, when it comes to fiscal powers, my goodness, it is a no from me now and a no for ever. The Member talked about food banks and said that they did not exist 20 years ago. Since Stormont has been here — this wonderful place that would sort out all the issues — what has it done about that? What has Stormont delivered so that people do not need to go to food banks? You are going to say that, if we had greater fiscal powers, we could do this, that and the other. That is fantasy stuff. Stormont has been here, but it has not delivered.

I thank the Member for his contribution. However, in creating that package, you are taking money from one Department to put it into another. Yes, there are some good mitigations there, but you also have to look at where the money has come from to fund that. When we talk about how great Stormont is, how we need to protect it and how we need more powers in this place because that will solve everything, we must recognise that this place has been up and running but has not delivered. The mess needs to be owned by the Executive parties that sit round that table.

674 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not flagged

Second assessment

Jev’s answers did not settle this record, so a second model, claude-opus-5-5, read the same text (without the MLA’s name or party) and gave its reasons on 23 October 2026. How the second assessment works

Verdict

Not flagged

Public interest or divisiveness

Mixed

Against the published rubric

Most of the speech argues the substance of fiscal devolution: the Treasury's 2014 warning that a corporation tax cut would 'slash our block grant by £400 million to £750 million', the Holtham commission's caution about 'unwelcome volatility', VAT under the protocol, and Stormont's record on delivery. One passage frames the motion's supporters, including Alliance, as 'nationalist parties' whose aim is to 'dilute the bonds that bind the United Kingdom together'. That attributes a constitutional motive and folds a party that designates as neither unionist nor nationalist into one camp. The jibe is brief, though, and does not drive the argument, so the main function is not identity-based point-scoring.

Public interest or divisiveness

The speech mainly engages with a genuine policy question: whether more fiscal powers would help or harm public finances and services. It also asks 'who will pay for the inevitable shortfall' in health, roads and schools. The passage casting supporters as nationalists bent on weakening the Union adds a communal edge, giving the contribution some divisive colouring. That passage is secondary to the fiscal case.

Jev’s structured answers

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:27 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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