Debate contribution: International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia

Debate contribution by Miss Nicola Brogan on .

MLA
Miss Nicola Brogan
Party at the time
Sinn Féin
Date
12 May 2025
Type
Debate contribution
Business
Private Members' Business
Heading
International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia
Assembly identifier
Official Report component 4937942

Text

Beidh mé ag caint as Gaeilge agus i mBéarla.

If Members want to use the headphones, they can. I hope that the debate on today's motion is fairly uncontroversial. Surely, there can be nobody in the House who is opposed to equality, diversity and human rights. Ba cheart do gach saoránach a bheith ábalta dul i gceann a saoil saor ó leithcheal, foréigean agus dochar.

That seems an obvious and unremarkable position to take in 2025, but the truth is that, to our great shame, for generations, the LGBTQ+ community was treated shamefully in Ireland. Bhí an homaighnéasacht ina coir go dtí 1993 sa deisceart. Tá mé cinnte go gcuimhnímid an lúcháir a bhí ann i ndiaidh an reifrinn ar Chomhionannas Pósta in 2015.

Of course, marriage equality was recognised in this part of Ireland only in 2020, a mere five years ago. Cá mhéad duine dár laochra náisiúnta agus de dhaoine mór le rá sa tír seo a chuaigh ar shlí na fírinne agus é creidte acu go raibh orthu na daoine a raibh grá acu dóibh a cheilt mar gheall ar an chaolaigeantacht?

While things have undoubtedly improved over the years, we need not pat ourselves on the back. In 2024, tuairiscíodh gur tharla thart ar 330 coir fuatha homafóbach agus trasfóbach ar fud na hÉireann. Ní hé amháin gur méadú sin ar an bhliain roimhe sin ach, méadú don dara bliain as a chéile, i ndiaidh tréimhse fhada ina raibh ionsaithe den sórt sin ag laghdú.

Staitistic eile ar cúis imní í don teach seo ná nár tharla ach 88 de na hionsaithe sin sa deisceart, agus gur taifeadadh níos mó ná 240 sa tuaisceart, in ainneoin an daonra anseo a bheith níos lú faoi thrí, beagnach.

The 'National Study on the Mental Health and Wellbeing of the LGBTQI+ Communities in Ireland', which was published last year, found that 45% of people here feel unsafe holding hands with a same-sex partner in public and that over half of trans and non-binary people feel unsafe expressing their gender identity in public. The research further found that one in four members of the LGBTQI+ community have been physically attacked due to their sexuality, while 72% have experienced verbal abuse. That is simply unacceptable, and it illustrates why motions such as the one before us continue to be important. A chairde,

it is our duty to lead from the front on these issues to ,set examples and to be clear and unambiguous when it comes to supporting human rights — not to evade or delay. With that in mind, I again call on the Communities Minister to publish the long-promised sexual orientation strategy, which has been talked about in one guise or another for some time. I remind the Minister, as he develops such a strategy, of the slogan that was popularised by disability and Irish-language groups: "Faic fúinn gan chead uainn."

Ní féidir straitéis den sórt sin a fhorbairt gan tuairimí na ndaoine lena mbaineann: ár bpobal LADT. Ní mór cumarsáid a dhéanamh idir an Roinn agus na grúpaí leasa éagsúla a oibríonn ar son na bpobal LADT. Tá súil agam nach gcaithfidh an tAire le grúpaí comhoibrithe LADT mar a chaith sé le grúpaí na Gaeilge, nuair a bhí gráin agus naimhdeas á léiriú aige.

Working closely with the community will ensure that nobody in it is overlooked. For example, specific challenges are faced by LGBTQ+ people who live in rural areas, where support systems and organisations tend not to be centred. Additionally, the needs of LGBTQ+ people who live with disabilities and require cross-departmental support should be taken into account when creating the strategy. We can and must do better. As we approach pride month, it would be wonderful if we could do something to make our LGBTQI+ community feel seen, heard and proud of us.

639 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Not qualifying

Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not qualifying”.

  • Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.08 (qualifying needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not qualifying).
  • None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
  • Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.83).
  • The text criticises or condemns the framing or division (0.56).
  • Subject area: Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues.
  • The overall probability was at or below the not-qualifying threshold.

This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.

Jev’s structured answers

Probability that each statement is true of this text (0 = no, 1 = yes). A criterion counts as met at 0.60 or above.
QuestionProbabilityMet?
Identity framing0.12No
Sectarian or communal antagonism0.02No
Cultural grievance politics0.12No
Dog-whistle messaging0.03No
Controversy escalation0.11No
Legitimate policy scrutiny0.83Yes
Overall judgement0.08At or below not-qualifying threshold
Context and attribution (stance)
OptionProbability
No identity-based framing0.44
Reports or questions it0.00
Criticises or condemns it (chosen)0.56
Adopts it0.00
Subject area (top five)
SubjectProbability
Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues1.00
No identity-related subject0.00
Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials0.00
Parades, bonfires and commemorations0.00
Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy0.00

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:23 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

Disagree with this assessment?

Classifications can be challenged. A person reviews every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.

Challenge this classification