Debate contribution: Budget 2025-26: Reports
Debate contribution by Miss Jemma Dolan on .
- MLA
- Miss Jemma Dolan
- Party at the time
- Sinn Féin
- Date
- 8 April 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Committee Business
- Heading
- Budget 2025-26: Reports
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4919989
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Go raibh maith agat, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle.
I will make a winding-up speech on the Committee's motion. First, I thank those who contributed to the debate. The Committee tabled the motion to allow Members, particularly Chairs of Statutory Committees, an early opportunity to discuss and reflect on the 2025-26 Budget that was recently agreed by the Executive. The Committee is grateful to the Minister for agreeing to respond today. The Committee also thanks the Fiscal Council for its assessment of the Budget, which was published recently. The council provides a vital function in supporting the Assembly's scrutiny of the Budget. The Finance Committee finds its assessment very useful, and it raises issues that the Committee previously identified. As the Committee had hoped, the debate has been useful and constructive. Members are aware that the Budget outlook for the 2025-26 fiscal year is challenging. On many occasions, the Committee has heard officials talk about the need for Departments to live within their means and the fact that there are unlikely to be significant in-year transfers from the Treasury. I will now reflect on the main themes that Members raised in today's debate. All Committees and the Minister agreed that we have a difficult Budget envelope. Employers' National Insurance contributions and wage pressures were common themes. Concerns were expressed about the absence of multi-year Budgets, and the need for greater alignment between the Budget and the Programme for Government was discussed. A number of Committees raised the issue of lower in-year flows of funds from the British Government, and the Chair of the Health Committee talked about there being a lack of detail. I will now say a few words on behalf of Sinn Féin. The reports on the draft Budget reiterate the strain that our public finances currently face and highlight the limitations that exist for us as a devolved Administration in trying to address those challenges. The Fiscal Council and the Committee for Finance both highlight the desire for multi-year Budgets that exists among the various stakeholders. The direction of travel towards that as early as the next financial year is a positive development that will put medium- and long-term planning on a more sustainable financial basis and support transformation. The interim fiscal framework that was agreed last year was a significant step forward in establishing a better funding model. It was also a recognition that the North has been underfunded for many years. The framework secured an extra £248 million for our public services for this year. The legacy of underinvestment is something from which we continue to suffer. It is deeply disappointing that, since last year's Westminster election, the Labour Government have embarked on the same failed policies of austerity as their Tory predecessors. Through her autumn Budget statement, the British Chancellor sought to put more pressure on our public services, the community and voluntary sector and businesses here by announcing a rise in employers' National Insurance contributions. Despite covering that rise for Whitehall Departments, locally, we are facing a shortfall of £60 million for our public sector. I welcome the efforts of the Executive to mitigate decisions by the British Government, such as ensuring that the agriculture sector remains an earmarked allocation in the Budget after the British Treasury removed it from being ring-fenced; prioritising money for cutting health waiting lists; and doubling the allocation for childcare. While raising the revenue that is required as part of the interim fiscal framework was achieved through an increase in the regional rate, considerable rate relief remains available for households and businesses. The Finance Minister recognised the impact that the rise in employers' National Insurance contributions would have on businesses, and that led to a lower non-domestic rate rise. The suggestion that we should put further financial pressure on those who can least afford it as a result of the legacy of underinvestment in our public services by the British Government to address issues such as capacity in our water infrastructure is not the solution. Given the limited fiscal powers and resources that are at the Finance Minister's disposal, I recognise that it is impossible for him to compensate for the spending decisions that are made in London that prioritise weapons of war and the interests of the few, not the many. However, we must continue to do all that we can to stand up for the interests of our citizens here. That is why it is important that the Finance Minister continue to make the case with the British Treasury for adequate funding for our public services. I know that work is ongoing in that area, given Professor Holtham's assessment of our level of need ahead of the spending review in June. We also need to see more fiscal powers devolved that would provide us with greater financial ability and capacity until constitutional change enables those of us who have been elected to here to have full control of our own affairs.
823 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.08 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.89).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.92).
- Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.08 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.05 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.03 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.89 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.08 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.92 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.08 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.78 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.13 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.08 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:22 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
Disagree with this assessment?
Classifications can be challenged. A person reads every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.