Debate contribution: The Troubles: Irish State Role
Debate contribution by Ms Joanne Bunting on .
- MLA
- Ms Joanne Bunting
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 11 March 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- The Troubles: Irish State Role
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4855875
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I, too, am conscious that today is European Remembrance Day for Victims of Terrorism. The accounts that we have heard in recent days about the atrocity in Omagh have been heart-wrenching and distressing, and I commend the families for their fight to secure their inquiry and for their bravery in recounting the worst times of their lives. The impact on them, as it is on so many others in our society as a result of terrorism, is lifelong. I am hopeful, rather than expectant, that they will receive the truth and information that they seek. As Mr Buchanan said, our amendment stems from a concern that a memorandum of understanding would be completely inadequate in providing the answers for victims. It is therefore imperative that the Irish Government instigate their own public inquiry into the Omagh bomb, as per the Horner judgement of 2021, in which Justice Horner stated:
"It is not within my power to order any type of investigation to take place in the Republic of Ireland but there is a real advantage in an Article 2 compliant investigation proceeding in the Republic of Ireland simultaneously with one in Northern Ireland."
We concur that there should be such an inquiry, with powers to compel any person in the Republic of Ireland to provide evidence, information and material that is pertinent to a full and unfettered investigation. The families deserve truth, and any inquiry must have, and must use, the power to compel people to participate. It must have the power to interrogate individuals and to compel them to provide any and all information and evidence that they hold. To our minds, that would be a much better and a more valuable and meaningful method of the Irish Government demonstrating their cooperation than have them sign a document. Cooperation is entirely subjective and completely insufficient. As has been said, the families of Kingsmills saw exactly what cooperation from the Irish Government looked like when it amounted to the inquiry being sent newspaper clippings as part of disclosure. That has created a genuine concern among the families that key evidence from the public may never be examined, and key evidence is exactly what it may be, given that the bombing was planned in the Republic and that the bomb was built and transported from there. For us and, I hope, the rest of the House, it is unacceptable that the Dublin Government are refusing to provide a structure that would help bring the Omagh families answers. The victims and their families deserve truth, accountability and justice on both sides of the border, and our party leader Gavin Robinson has raised that matter with the Prime Minister. Truth and justice must be delivered for the families of those who so needlessly lost their lives to Irish republican terrorism. We all, the Irish included, must listen to the voices of victims, engage with them and not run away from our responsibility to help uncover the truth. The Republic cannot, should not and must not ignore its duty in that regard. It is difficult to understand how or why the Dublin Government are ignoring the comments of Justice Horner, yet it is not surprising. For years, there have been double standards when it comes to legacy and something of a say-do gap in their approach. They are ever content to tell His Majesty's Government what they should be doing while doing nothing themselves, failing to investigate repeated allegations of collusion and harbouring those who perpetrated heinous acts of terrorism and fled over the border to safety, and then refusing to extradite them to the UK. Just for the record, between 1973 and 1997, 113 extradition requests were made to the Republic concerning terrorist-related offences, but only eight people were extradited. Between those same dates, 296 extradition requests were made that related to non-terrorist offences, which resulted in 124 extraditions. Interesting, is it not? Yet, as a member of the Europe Union, the Republic, too, is subject to the articles and obligations of the European Convention on Human Rights, including article 2. It was noteworthy to hear from Lord Caine, in an answer to Lord McCrea, that the then Secretary of State wrote to the Irish Deputy Prime Minister in January 2024 challenging the Irish Government's approach to addressing legacy issues, including the number of Troubles-related prosecutions that had been brought in Ireland since 1998. The Labour Government need to do much more than they have done so far: merely and meekly welcoming cooperation and stating that a decision on any inquiry is for the Republic. It may well be, but our Government need to exert pressure and influence, and they need to bring that influence to bear to ensure that there is a concurrent inquiry. Over the years, we have heard countless criticisms from Dublin about perceived failures when it comes to dealing with the past. Now that the Irish Government have been presented with an opportunity to live up to the standards that they have so often demanded of others, we will watch and wait with anticipation. It is our hope that the Justice Minister will commit to seeking parallel investigative mechanisms in the Republic. I thank her for her response today. Ms Bradshaw indicated that that should be directed to TEO. I am certain that the deputy First Minister will make that case, but so should the Justice Minister. There need to be concurrent inquiries with the necessary powers to get to the truth. Without that, we worry that any MOU could be proven to be toothless and worthless, that millions will be spent and that the families will be no further on at the end. That would be truly shameful.
Our amendment builds on and strengthens the UUP motion, and I commend it to the House.
966 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.45 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.82).
- The text adopts the identity-based framing in its own voice (0.70).
- Subject area: Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism.
- The overall probability was moderate at most and none of the culture-war criteria was close to being met.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.19 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.22 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.03 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.44 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.12 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.82 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.45 | Between thresholds |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.26 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.04 |
| Adopts it (chosen) | 0.70 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.98 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.02 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 01:20 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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