Debate contribution: The Troubles: Irish State Role
Debate contribution by Ms Paula Bradshaw on .
- MLA
- Ms Paula Bradshaw
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 11 March 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- The Troubles: Irish State Role
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4855837
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I pay tribute to the families of those killed or injured in the Omagh bomb for their long campaign for the public inquiry. As others have mentioned, it is harrowing to listen to the testimonies. I am sure that the families are relieved that it is happening but are really reliving that tragic time. I very much share the sentiment behind the motion, although I have some difficulty with the call that is in it. My party sought an amendment with a clearer call for action from both Governments to recognise and act in their role of addressing legacy issues, not least in the case of atrocities with a cross-border element. Further to that, we feel that a duty should be placed on the First Minister and deputy First Minister actively to seek that in the interests of victims and survivors. We in the Alliance Party feel that it is important to reflect that the Government of Ireland need to take more seriously their role in inquiring into and investigating their own role and that of their agencies during the Troubles. We see little merit in the political attempt to shift responsibility for the matter to another Department, as in the DUP amendment. Responsibility for external affairs and for victims and survivors rests squarely with the Executive Office. Members of the party that proposed the amendment therefore need to take the issue of demonstrating action in the interests of victims and survivors to their colleague the deputy First Minister. They also need to work with all parties towards the outcome that they claim to want, namely much more active cooperation from the Government of Ireland in the quest for truth. According to evidence provided to the Committee for the Executive Office by Kenny Donaldson from the South East Fermanagh Foundation (SEFF), it is estimated that over 550 murders during the Troubles — about 15% of the total — had a cross-border element. The Omagh bomb, which, of course, came after the agreement, was another horrific example. Mr Donaldson went on to say that the Government of Ireland see themselves as having been an "observer" of the Troubles rather than the "participant" that they were. I wonder whether anyone, on objective reflection, can disagree with that assessment. We have heard a lot of evidence at our Committee from victims' groups, some of them dealing with other dreadful aspects of the past, such as institutional abuse of children, while others deal directly with the Troubles. On occasion, they take different approaches to issues such as redress, acknowledgement and, indeed, what actually happened. However, what is consistent is that they say that there will never be true reconciliation on this island without full truth. The idea that Northern Ireland is a sealed unit on its own makes no sense. It is defined by its relationship with its neighbours, including the rest of Ireland, as it always will be. That is the case socially; it is the case economically; and it is the case environmentally. The idea that it was entirely some place apart during the Troubles and that the Government of Ireland could play a role as an observer set aside from what was happening up the road or, indeed, in its own jurisdiction, on some occasions, is purely ridiculous. I will leave it there, but it is important that we prioritise the needs of victims and survivors in the pursuit of truth.
570 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.14 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.82).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.93).
- Subject area: Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.10 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.07 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.08 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.82 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.14 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.93 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.02 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.05 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.99 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:15 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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