Debate contribution: The Troubles: Irish State Role
Debate contribution by Mr Tom Buchanan on .
- MLA
- Mr Tom Buchanan
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 11 March 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- The Troubles: Irish State Role
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4855823
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Saturday 15 August 1998 is a date that is etched on the hearts and minds of many people in Omagh, throughout West Tyrone and beyond. That afternoon saw the fragile peace in Northern Ireland shattered when the Real IRA detonated a car bomb in Market Street, which killed 31 innocent people, including unborn twins, and injured over 220 others. The premeditated, murderous act of violence against humanity tore the very heart out of Omagh and left many families feeling deep sorrow and suffering. It caused the devastation of a generation of people. For the past 27 years, many of the victims' families have suffered in silence as they continue to pursue a path to truth and justice. The announcement of the public inquiry, secured through the courts in 2021, brought a ray of hope to those families. In the past weeks, at the first stage of the inquiry, we have heard the harrowing testimonies of the victims' families and those affected by the Omagh bomb. No one could have sat through or listened to those sessions without being visibly moved. The testimonials have brought the horrors of that day to a new generation. While, as a party, we stand with the victims' families as they fight for justice after the single-worst atrocity of the IRA's campaign of terror and bloodshed, we equally stand with the families of all the innocent victims throughout Northern Ireland, who were brutally murdered by terrorist organisations, in their quest for truth and justice. While today's motion laments the lack of any tangible effort by the Irish Government to conduct an inquiry into the atrocity, we believe that it does not go far enough, and that is why we tabled the amendment. A memorandum of understanding between the Omagh Bombing inquiry and the Irish Government will be entirely deficient in providing answers for the victims and their families. Therefore, the amendment calls on the Irish Government to do the honourable thing, as recommended by Judge Horner in 2021, and similarly hold an inquiry with the powers to compel any person in the Republic of Ireland to provide evidence, information and material pertinent to a full and unfettered investigation on behalf of the victims and survivors. We must not let the Irish Government off the hook on that issue. The fact remains that the Omagh bomb was planned, built and delivered from the South of Ireland. The proposer of the motion went into more detail on that issue. The Dublin Government cannot, therefore, wash their hands of those murders. The Justice Minister must ensure that she is not giving cover to that double standard. She must demonstrate practically her commitment to seeking parallel investigative mechanisms in the Irish Republic. While the Taoiseach seeks to justify the Irish Government's long-standing position against holding a public inquiry, by stating that Dublin will ensure that there is full cooperation with the inquiry in Northern Ireland, the fact remains that the UK inquiry has no authority to call witnesses from the Republic or to compel them to give evidence.
OK.
As Minister of Justice, you have to show that you have an interest in supporting and a desire to support the Omagh families in their request for the Irish Government to conduct a public inquiry similar to that which the UK Government have set up, with powers to compel people from the South to come forward and give evidence. Whom does the Taoiseach think he is fooling with his fine words that Dublin will fully cooperate with the inquiry, without the proper powers being in place for one in the Republic? Let us weigh up the evidence, folks. We look at the Kingsmills inquest, to which the Irish Government's submission amounted to little more than newspaper clippings. Assistant Chief Constable Harris, as he was then, stated under oath at the Smithwick tribunal that he was satisfied beyond doubt that there was a leak from the gardaí to the IRA that led to the murder of Ian Sproule in Castlederg, yet both the Dublin Government and the Garda Síochána Ombudsman blatantly refused to sanction an investigation of that murder. Does anyone in the House today believe that, without the appropriate mechanism in place in the Irish Republic to compel evidence gathering about the Omagh bomb, things will be different this time around? I challenge the Taoiseach and the Irish Government: will they provide the same cover for the perpetrators of the Omagh bomb as they provided for the perpetrators of Kingsmills and of all other such atrocities throughout Northern Ireland? The facts and the evidence speak for themselves. We must listen to the voice of the victims, engage with them and not run away from our responsibility to help uncover the truth. The Republic of Ireland Government cannot therefore continue to ignore their overriding moral and legal duty to conduct an inquiry into what was the deadliest atrocity of the Troubles. It was orchestrated, planned and delivered from their jurisdiction. The victims and their families deserve truth, accountability and justice on both sides of the border. I commend my party leader and MP colleagues for raising with the Prime Minister the need for the Republic to step up to the plate by holding a public inquiry similar to the inquiry that the UK Government have initiated. No inquiry will bring the loved ones back. No inquiry will fill the empty chair at the dinner table. No inquiry will ease the trauma resulting from that dreaded knock on the door. Every decent and right-thinking person, however, should listen to the families and heed their call for an inquiry in the Republic of Ireland that has the power to compel people and papers in order to bring the families the truth and justice that they deserve. In closing, I want to remember from that day the members of the security forces and the medical support who were left to deal with the aftermath of the bomb. They saw scenes and dealt with things that no one should have to deal with. Afterwards, having received no professional help to deal with their trauma and the effects on their mental capacity, they simply had to get on with their job. So often, the people who provide such help are forgotten about. Today, we should remember them. I commend the amendment to the House, and I trust that the signatories to the motion will accept it.
1,069 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.33 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.82).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.56).
- Subject area: Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism.
- The overall probability was low and the text did not adopt any identity-based framing.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.18 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.11 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.29 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.10 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.82 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.33 | Between thresholds |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.56 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.13 |
| Adopts it | 0.31 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.99 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:15 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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