Debate contribution: Irish Language Strategy
Debate contribution by Ms Sian Mulholland on .
- MLA
- Ms Sian Mulholland
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 18 March 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Irish Language Strategy
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4860469
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I will not speak in Irish because, at the moment, my Irish is confined to my telling my sons to put on their shoes and asking them where their school bags and school jumpers are. I do not think that the Chamber needs to hear that. First, I thank the Members who tabled the motion. It is an issue that I am passionate about: the Irish language is for everyone and should not be feared or seen as a tool to divide. I find it regrettable that, in the past, there have been attempts to use it as a weapon rather than a gift. The strategy would offer the choice to all communities or, should I say, our community as a whole to embrace a language that could belong to everyone. Such a strategy has the potential to preserve and promote the Irish language; support the rights of vulnerable communities and minority languages; open the doors further to bilingual education; and to enhance the social, cultural and economic opportunities for all. The impact can be far-reaching and provide benefits not just to the Irish-speaking community but to wider society.
I will focus for a moment on our young people, as I am the party spokesperson for children and young people. I have seen first-hand the many benefits that bilingualism brings to children. I see the positive impact on academic performance, cognitive skills and cultural awareness through having an immersive second language. Those advantages are not limited to Irish language education. Being bilingual in any language offers tremendous benefits to children, particularly in brain development. Bilingualism is a cognitive powerhouse. Studies have shown that bilingual children have stronger problem-solving skills, better multitasking abilities and enhanced memory. I can attest to that from the experience of my household. Bilingual children excel academically and demonstrate greater creativity. For children, regardless of their background, bilingual education is about more than learning a language. It is an immersion in a vibrant culture where they gain a deep understanding of history, music, literature and identity. In today's globalised world, languages are a valuable currency and attending an Irish-medium school can foster a child's interest in learning Irish and inspire a broader desire to learn other languages, especially as those pathways are built in the brain. The need for an Irish language strategy has never been more pressing. It should be a strategy that not only protects and promotes the language but supports the rights of a minority language. We need to be clear about this: the strategy is not just a nice-to-have but a legal commitment underpinned by various agreements and solidified by the Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act 2022, which enshrined it in law, introducing strategic statutory protections and mandating for its creation. It is an embarrassment that we now see the instigation of yet another legal challenge to the Department regarding the lack of implementation. To be honest, from the Gaeilgeoirí
whom I have spoken to recently, there is hurt, anger and a profound sense of frustration that their language and culture has to be dragged through the courts rather than its being celebrated through the Chamber. By providing a framework for the Irish language, we will be making an explicit commitment to ensuring the rights of Irish speakers in our shared community. The strategy should not only provide for the language but ensure equal access to education, employment and cultural resources for all, especially those from vulnerable or marginalised communities. The concerns raised by Conradh na Gaelige about the development of the strategy or lack thereof are not to be taken lightly. It highlights the fact that, despite years of discussion and hours of meetings and contributions, there is still no clear, actionable plan and not even a draft strategy on the table.
That is a very succinct way to say it.
Thank you. "They should just get on with it": I quite like that. That is directed at you, Minister, just in case you did not realise it. We have seen —.
Apologies. I was just amplifying my colleague's succinct sentiment. We have seen the positive examples of language strategies in other countries. In Wales, the Government implemented a long-term strategy to protect and promote Welsh language. The aim is to have a million Welsh speakers by 2050, with measurable targets for language acquisition and use. The Irish language strategy must be similarly ambitious, with clear goals for increasing the number of Irish speakers. We will support the amendment from the UUP, and I appreciate the Member's words, which have definitely reassured me that it is not a case of, "If we talk about the Irish language, we must talk about Ulster Scots". At times, there is a little bit of that. It is very degenerative and can feed into the politicisation of the language. Therefore, I am relieved to hear the comments of the Member. I urge the Minister for Communities to take immediate action to deliver the long-overdue Irish language strategy and not to let it be the case that he is the Minister presiding over a Department that is found wanting for a third time by the courts in not bringing forward the strategy to the Executive. Much like music, which is often said to be the language of our soul, language serves as a bridge to connect our minds, share ideas and express our identities. While the Irish language may be seen by some in our community as a source of division, I argue that it can be a powerful tool for fostering deeper connections with one another.
931 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.14 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.83).
- The text criticises or condemns the framing or division (0.74).
- Subject area: Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.13 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.55 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.07 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.18 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.83 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.14 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.26 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it (chosen) | 0.74 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 1.00 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Sport (including the GAA), the arts and cultural bodies | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:10 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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