Debate contribution: Tackling the Financial and Societal Impacts of Division

Debate contribution by Mr Timothy Gaston on 25 March 2025.

MLA

Mr Timothy Gaston

Party at the time

Traditional Unionist Voice

Date

25 March 2025

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Private Members' Business

Heading

Tackling the Financial and Societal Impacts of Division

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 4866817

Read the official Assembly record

Text

I find the motion deeply ironic. While the Alliance Party likes to portray itself as the champion of a shared society in meaningless motions such as this, when it comes to legislation and policy, it supports things that fan the flames of division. As I pointed out last week, polling illustrates that there is no greater indication of division than Irish language street signage. Some 88% of unionists are less likely to move to a road that has Irish language street signs. That might not worry the Alliance Party, but the party should take note that the same was true of 26% of its voters. In Belfast, however, Alliance supports a policy of imposing Irish street signs in areas where just 15% of residents want them.

Yes, indeed. We are talking about division in Northern Ireland and how decisions taken by political parties impact on that. No thought has been given to the fact that such a policy in Belfast of wanting or allowing for street signage when only 15% of people want it —.

Indeed, I am doing that.

I will. Go ahead.

It is OK for the Member to say that, but she has not said where I am factually incorrect. Indeed, my understanding —

Go ahead.

Well, Mr Deputy Speaker —

Yes. Go ahead, Mr Kingston.

In dealing directly with the motion, I note that it talks about the cost of division in Northern Ireland. That is a symptom of division. It has created in Belfast a lot of anxiety, distress and annoyance in the unionist community, so it is relevant to the debate today. To impose Irish street signs when only 15% of those who live on the street want that is to embed division. Mr Deputy Speaker, that is something that you cannot rule out of order in regard to the motion. The Alliance Party tabled the motion. I will close with this: in Bunyan's 'The Pilgrim's Progress', we encounter a character named Mr Talkative, who likes to talk about religion but whose religion has no practical impact on how he conducts himself. In much the same way, the Alliance Party likes to talk about ending the social impact of division while acting as Sinn Féin's little helper in entrenching division in its approach to the Irish language. The Alliance Party needs to open its eyes to the fact that its decisions are embedding division in my community and the community in Belfast with its approach to Irish street signs.

I am happy to give way.

I certainly disagree with the Member that I am nitpicking. I am here to speak up for a large section of the unionist community who feel downtrodden by the Alliance Party, its policy and its decisions, when its members portray themselves as the great champions of a shared society but, in reality, that is not the case. We see in Belfast a prime example of the Alliance Party showing its true colours. Before its Members bring a motion to the House, they need to look at their glass house, essentially, and how their decisions entrench division. If you want to move beyond that, Mr Honeyford, certainly, let us do that, but the decisions and actions that your party takes in the Chamber and chambers across Northern Ireland —

— certainly entrench division

I am happy to give way.

In 30 seconds: this place will never work because of mandatory coalition. If you move towards voluntary coalition and have a Government of the willing —. We have a lead party here that does not want Northern Ireland to work. If we want to move towards a society that works, the Alliance Party should look at getting those in government to agree a Programme for Government that will work and deliver for the people of Northern Ireland. This place is a toy town. This place will never work.

647 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

Qualifying Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy

Jev’s structured answers

Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:08 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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