Debate contribution: Irish Language Strategy
Debate contribution by Mr Brian Kingston on .
- MLA
- Mr Brian Kingston
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 18 March 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Irish Language Strategy
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4860454
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Let me be clear at the outset that the Democratic Unionist Party believes that everyone in Northern Ireland should feel comfortable expressing their national and cultural identity, including those who cherish the Irish language and those who cherish Ulster-Scots language, heritage and culture as part of our indigenous cultural wealth. However, the way forward and our approach to that must be balanced and fair to each tradition, recognising and reflecting the delicate balance of community relations in Northern Ireland. Our United Kingdom has a rich and interwoven tapestry of language and heritage that is beloved by many, and there is no reason to be fearful of other people's identities and languages. Northern Ireland is big enough to accommodate everyone. Cultural and language provision must be about facilitation rather than imposition. The development of an Irish language strategy must be brought forward in parallel with a strategy for Ulster Scots. Both pieces of work are cross-cutting and will require Executive consideration and approval and widespread consultation. The Irish language strategy, alongside the Ulster-Scots language, heritage and culture strategy, is being developed through a co-design process, on which the Department for Communities is taking the lead on behalf of the Executive. In 2017, the DUP indicated that it could not support legislation for Irish on a basis that would elevate the Irish language above English or reduce career opportunities for those who did not speak Irish. The same principles must apply to any strategy that is brought forward. We regret that the Sinn Féin motion is limited to the Irish language. We welcome the Ulster Unionist Party amendment, which is more balanced and inclusive as it recognises the Ulster-Scots aspect. Burdens placed on public authorities must respect language services if they are to be fair and proportionate. The most recent census results demonstrate that the majority of people in Northern Ireland use English as their main language, as we all know. That is followed by Polish and then Lithuanian. In the Northern Ireland census of 2021, 12·4% of respondents — around 229,000 people — reported some level of ability in Irish, and 10·4% of respondents — around 191,000 people — reported some ability in Ulster Scots. Reasonableness must be a key consideration in future actions and the obligations that underpin language and cultural strategies, given the unprecedented pressures facing our public services. As has been mentioned, at Committee last week, we received a delegation from Conradh na Gaeilge. At that meeting, I raised dual-language street sign policies in councils. In particular, I raised what has happened in Belfast, where there was a long-standing policy of allowing a dual-language street sign, most often in Irish, where a majority of residents wished to have it. That threshold has been radically reduced in recent years by nationalist parties and the Alliance Party to a ridiculously low 15% of residents. That has caused dissent in areas that are quietly mixed, where residents get on together, and it has caused tensions. Just two weeks ago, there was the case of two streets in my constituency of North Belfast. When a survey was done, the majority of residents did not consent to having an Irish street sign added. In Sunningdale Park North, 22% of residents were for an Irish street sign and 33% were against one. In Ben Madigan Park South, 23% were for the Irish street sign and 26% were against. However, in both cases, nationalist councillors pushed the matter through at committee. That threshold is clearly undemocratic and unfair, and it needs to be changed. It disrespects the views of residents, who view it as cultural branding of their area.
I will give way briefly.
Do I not get an extra minute?
621 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Uncertain: close call Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy
Uncertain: this record is published but not counted in any total.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.50 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- Criteria met: Identity framing (0.69); Cultural grievance politics (0.86).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.69).
- The text adopts the identity-based framing in its own voice (0.75).
- Subject area: Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy.
- The answers did not meet either automatic threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.69 | Yes |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.14 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.86 | Yes |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.53 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.51 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.69 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.50 | Between thresholds |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.20 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.02 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.03 |
| Adopts it (chosen) | 0.75 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 1.00 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Sport (including the GAA), the arts and cultural bodies | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:08 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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