Debate contribution: Irish Language Strategy
Debate contribution by Mr Robbie Butler on .
- MLA
- Mr Robbie Butler
- Party at the time
- Ulster Unionist Party
- Date
- 18 March 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Irish Language Strategy
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4860448
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I propose what I believe to be a straightforward, fair and, above all, inclusive amendment. This is not about taking anything away from the Irish language or questioning its significance in our society; instead, it is about ensuring that, when we talk about language strategies, we recognise the rich and diverse linguistic heritage of Northern Ireland in its entirety. We all acknowledge the deep cultural and historical importance of the Irish language. It has been spoken on the island for centuries and has survived significant challenges, and it continues to flourish in education, music, film and community life. That is something to be celebrated, as people have every right to do, but so is the Ulster-Scots language, which has helped shape our literature, our storytelling, our traditions and the very identity of many communities across this place. That is why the amendment is necessary. It does not seek to remove anything from or undermine anything in the original motion; it simply seeks to ensure that Ulster Scots receives the same recognition as Irish. We ask not for special treatment for one over the other but for fairness, for equal recognition and for commitments to both linguistic traditions to be made and honoured. That is what a shared and respectful society should look like. There are stats that underpin why we think that this is important. Since the 2011 census, there has been a widening of knowledge of both the Irish language and Ulster Scots. Awareness of Irish has increased by 1·7%, and awareness of Ulster Scots has increased by 2·3%. However, let us be honest: language in Northern Ireland has too often been weaponised. It has been turned into a political football by both sides rather than being treated as the cultural asset that it actually is. We are repeatedly told that language should not be something to fear, and I am sure that we all agree with that. However, when language is politicised and phrases such as:
"Every word of Irish spoken.... is a bullet fired for Irish freedom"
are used, it is easy to see why some people feel uneasy and that there is ground to be made up. That kind of rhetoric, which comes from the past, did nothing to promote the Irish language, nor did it make it any more accessible to people such as me. In fact, it did the opposite: it created and fostered division where it did not need to be. It fostered mistrust and alienated not just me but communities of those who might otherwise have embraced the language much earlier. Let us talk about how language has been promoted. If we want communities to embrace linguistic diversity, we need to promote it in a respectful and organic way. Unfortunately, what we have seen in some cases with the imposition of street signs without broad community support, which happened in Belfast City Council, does little to encourage goodwill. Instead of bringing people along, it has driven them away. That is the real problem. Language should be something that unites us rather than something that is forced on communities or used to create division. Let me make one thing clear: my party has never been against promoting language, and I certainly have not. We have a proven track record of delivering on linguistic commitments. When my colleague Michael McGimpsey was Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure, we took steps to support and develop the Irish language. Under his leadership, Foras na Gaeilge was established, creating a structured cross-border body to support the Irish language. During that time, Irish was lodged under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, fulfilling the commitments made under the Belfast Agreement. Those were not empty gestures but real, substantive measures taken by a Minister from my party. Since then, member groups for speaking Irish and Ulster Scots have grown rapidly. For instance, Conradh na Gaeilge has over 200 member groups, and the Ulster-Scots Community Network has over 400. When we look at that, we see real appetite and interest. Real leadership is about fairness, however, and that means recognising both of Northern Ireland's main linguistic traditions. That is why the commitments to the Irish language strategy and the Ulster-Scots language strategy were made together and why they must be delivered together. The Minister has said that his Department is progressing key anti-poverty and disability strategies, both of which are vital and deserve our full support, but let us not forget that other important strategies, including those for Irish and Ulster Scots, gender equality and sexual orientation, remain undelivered. It is time to stop prioritising one language over the other and to ensure that both receive the attention and investment that they deserve. In reality, Ulster Scots has as much of a place in Northern Ireland as Irish. Its contributions to poetry, music and storytelling are just as significant. The Ulster-Scots Agency continues to do fantastic work in promoting and preserving the language — we commend it for that — but it too needs proper support. That is why the amendment matters. It ensures that we do not simply pay lip service to one tradition while neglecting another. In 2025, we are surely past that moment. Today, I ask Members across the Chamber to look at the amendment in the spirit of fairness and inclusivity. It is not about diminishing Irish but about ensuring that Ulster Scots is treated with the same respect. It is about ensuring that language policy in Northern Ireland is built on equality, not hierarchy, and it is about sending a clear message that we, as an Assembly, respect all traditions, not just some.
945 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.44 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- Criteria met: Identity framing (0.74); Cultural grievance politics (0.92).
- The text criticises or condemns the framing or division (0.51).
- Subject area: Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy.
- The overall probability was low and the text did not adopt any identity-based framing.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.74 | Yes |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.05 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.92 | Yes |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.20 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.39 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.45 | No |
| Overall judgement | 0.44 | Between thresholds |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.19 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.03 |
| Criticises or condemns it (chosen) | 0.51 |
| Adopts it | 0.27 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 1.00 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Sport (including the GAA), the arts and cultural bodies | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:08 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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