Debate contribution: Programme for Government 2024-27

Debate contribution by Ms Claire Sugden on 3 March 2025.

MLA

Ms Claire Sugden

Party at the time

Independent

Date

3 March 2025

Type

Debate contribution

Business

Executive Committee Business

Heading

Programme for Government 2024-27

Assembly identifier

Official Report component 4826355

Read the official Assembly record

Text

The Programme for Government sets out a series of commitments, but, at the end of all the speeches, we must ask ourselves this: will it lead to the real change that the people of Northern Ireland need and deserve or simply repeat what we have heard before? I ask that mindful of a significantly reduced mandate and a difficult Budget. I hope that the programme will lead to good change, but we have seen similar pledges in the past on health reform, childcare, tackling paramilitarism, housing, education, social care and economic growth. Time and time again, however, progress has been slow, and many communities still feel left behind. They lack confidence that the institutions have the ability to deliver. The outcome of the programme will be whether we can deliver. We can talk today about what is and is not in the Programme for Government, but, realistically, for the people of Northern Ireland to realise that this Building has any value, we have to deliver. They are tired of words. They need action and want to see real change that improves their daily life. They want to see a Government who make a real difference, not just a list of ambitions that never move beyond the page. The programme is built around nine priority objectives, each of which is tied to a Department. I am concerned by that approach, because, again, it shares out priorities rather than focusing on what Northern Ireland genuinely needs. Some of the most pressing issues do not fit neatly into one Department, which is probably why they are not in. Post-19 education, as others have said, is a clear example. We have failed young people with learning disabilities for years, yet the Department of Health, the Department for the Economy and the Department of Education cannot decide which of them will take charge on it, so they simply do not. Such young people have spent years navigating a system in which no Department takes ownership, leaving them without proper support. That is shameful. Adult social care has been debated endlessly, yet meaningful progress has stalled, because, again, no single Department will take charge. That is similar to ending violence against women and girls. Whilst I welcome that, without embedding it in education on misogyny and without legislation making misogyny a hate crime or taking action against online harms, its impact will be limited. Tackling deeply rooted attitudes requires more than awareness campaigns. While our Government are divided in that way, which we have seen since their inception, real problems fall through the cracks. That is why Northern Ireland has not been able to progress in the years since the Good Friday Agreement. If the programme is to deliver real change, it must focus on outcomes that matter to the Department, not just flagship departmental priorities. I remain disappointed that the approach that was taken in 2016, with an outcomes-based accountability model, has not progressed further. We need to look to other jurisdictions on these islands to see that this is about outcomes. It is not about ticking boxes or departmental aims and objectives; it is about the people of Northern Ireland. We all acknowledge that demand for public services far exceeds the available funding, and, without that clear financial strategy, the risk is that many of the commitments will remain just aspirations. I also want to talk about the transformation fund: £235 million is a significant amount of money, and there is an opportunity not just to modernise services but to drive structural reform of how government operates. As I have mentioned, other regions, such as Scotland, have moved towards outcomes-based Departments rather than rigid ministerial structures. Northern Ireland could use the fund to advance significant structural change, ensuring that policies are developed with collaboration and long-term impact in mind. We could also use the fund to gather and improve data collection, ensuring that we base our priorities on real evidence rather than assumptions. Without a strong understanding of where our greatest needs are, resources will continue to be stretched thinly rather than targeted effectively. We should not only address today's challenges but prepare for the future. Government in Northern Ireland has always been reactive rather than proactive. If we do not turn off the tap, there is no point in emptying the sink. We heard it in the Bengoa report. It was published in 2016, yet we still have not implemented it — primary care and early intervention. The investment in childcare is welcome, but it only brings Northern Ireland up to the standard that other regions have already reached. What about school-age childcare, working families and middle-income families who earn too much for benefits but cannot afford private options? The housing policy also lacks ambition, but, again, we see no direct aims and objectives to address the issues around water and waste water capacity. Early intervention should be at the core of all policies, and I recognise that. Schools, community and organisational professionals all highlight the concerns, but what about parenting support? There is no clear plan to help families provide the stability that children need. If we fail to address the issues early, they will place even greater pressure on the services ahead. I welcome the recognition in the final draft of the Programme for Government that Northern Ireland's ageing population must be reflected in the way that we plan for public services. It follows a motion last week in the Assembly and tireless campaigns by the age sector. However, recognition alone is not enough. This cannot be a token gesture: it must be embedded into the way that we approach policy and service delivery. I will talk about regional balance briefly. It has to be more than Belfast and Derry. We are a rural Northern Ireland, and we need to look to both our urban areas and rural villages if we genuinely want to bring everyone onto an equal footing.

989 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Assessment

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Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:07 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.

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