Debate contribution: New Deal for Private Renters in Northern Ireland
Debate contribution by Ms Sian Mulholland on .
- MLA
- Ms Sian Mulholland
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 24 February 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- New Deal for Private Renters in Northern Ireland
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4814040
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I thank all Members who spoke today, especially those who shared their constituents' personal stories. I am one of the MLAs who has housing as the number-one area for casework in the office. We know that the private rented sector in Northern Ireland is in crisis, and that is why we tabled the motion. We will support the SDLP's amendment. The Member for West Belfast said that there was no evidence to support a particular claim, but, in response to his comment, I will say that there is evidence not from 2002 but from 2022, which is just three years ago, from the Chartered Institute of Housing. That is a fairly reliable source for us to look at, rather than opinion or thought. We agree that rent freezes and reductions could result in 60% or, at least, a high proportion of landlords leaving the sector. How will that positively impact on anyone? The crisis has been years in the making, with a series of Ministers playing their part. In the past, Ministers have made grand promises about housing on the one hand and then, on the other, have, unfortunately, presided over yet more rent rises and a chronic shortage of homes with shocking standards and levels of security in the sector. In our more recent history, the Minister could have put things in place. He has acknowledged that we need more homes but refuses to stop the Housing Executive scheme that continues to sell off the limited stock that we have. We think that that puts more pressure on the supply.
I am relieved that the Minister referenced the introduction of some rent controls, or at least the announcement of a reduction of the amount of rent increase that someone can have within a certain period. That would be really positive. It fits with the research commissioned by the Minister's Department, which shows that those third-generation controls would improve affordability and already have widespread public support. That is a really positive thing that we can point to. Given my background as a youth worker, I am concerned about how the next generation experiences things. We have a generation of young people who are supposed to be thriving, starting careers, settling down and contributing to the economy, but they are stuck waiting for change to a system that refuses to listen to them. They should be laying the foundations of their adult lives, building careers and planning for the future, but they are trapped in a system where they cannot afford to buy, they can barely afford to rent and no real alternatives exist. They are left treading water, waiting for policies that are taking just too long to come, and the cost of living continues to rise beyond their reach. That shows in the fact that we have more and more young people moving back in with their parents. Those from low-income backgrounds face barriers before they even get through the door. One constituent of mine called it "a rigged system". Renters have to provide a guarantor who is earning three times the rent, pay deposits that take years to save for and pass credit checks that penalise them for being on low incomes. Another core group, who we tend not to talk about too much, are care-experienced young people who simply do not have the luxury of the Bank of Mum and Dad, or even the safe place of mum and dad to move home to. When they leave care, they lose not just a roof over their head, they lose their security, stability and, in most cases, their entire support network. There is little to no guarantee of social housing in the locality of whatever support network they have built up. For those who end up in the private rented market, the inability to maintain a tenancy puts them at serious risk of homelessness. Worse still, I am told that landlords openly discriminate against people on benefits. A 2019 survey of private landlords by the Housing Executive found clear evidence of discrimination against tenants on housing benefit. While 40% of landlords had tenants receiving housing benefit, certain landlords were far more likely not to rent to them. Crucially, whilst 56% of landlords were open to renting to tenants on benefits in the future, nearly one in five refused outright. Therefore, the reality is that many benefit claimants face significant barriers to securing private rented accommodation as well. For those who manage to find somewhere, the reality can be grim, as my colleague Kate Nicholl outlined through sharing some of the personal stories that have come through her office. Mothers share beds with their children. Damp, mould-ridden homes make them sick. Heating systems fail in the winter. We also heard from other Members about choosing between freezing and unaffordable bills. It is no surprise that poor housing wreaks havoc on physical and mental health, piling more pressure on the NHS, with substandard housing costing over £1·4 billion annually across the UK. Landlords ignore repair requests, knowing that tenants have nowhere to go. If they complain, they risk having their rent hiked as punishment. It is not all about bad landlords. As Robbie Butler pointed out, good landlords have nothing to fear from reformed legislation. The things that we are trying to do target bad practice. That is what we are talking about today. Not all landlords are bad. My colleague Michelle Guy suggested that we lobby for a full-system review and a regularly updated LHA. Analysis undertaken by Shelter NI identified that inadequate LHA rates are pushing those on the lowest incomes into unsuitable accommodation. They have no other choice. As a result, claimants in Northern Ireland face that annual shortfall of nearly £1,000 between their welfare support and their rent. That is a gap that is absolutely impossible for so many to face. It leaves them with two bleak choices: somehow scrape together the difference, often at the expense of essentials, or settle for cheaper housing that is frequently substandard or unfit for purpose. Renters are simply left powerless. We heard that from quite a few Members. Living in a rural community makes all those issues even worse at times. Housing options are fewer, rents are still high and wages are often lower, making it really hard to save for a home.
In my constituency and the neighbouring one, as referenced by Cara Hunter, short-term lets and Airbnbs are a growing issue, and they are sucking the heart from our coastal communities, as we have seen in so many villages between my constituency and that of the SDLP Member who mentioned it. We need the Minister to work with the councils. Is there a way to license short-term lets, akin to how HMOs are dealt with? Is there something that we can do to start to address the short-term lets situation, particularly in those coastal or tourist destinations? I take on board what the Member for North Belfast said; it is also an issue within the city.
1,174 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not qualifying”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.03 (qualifying needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not qualifying).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.96).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.99).
- Subject area: Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-qualifying threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.05 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.01 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.03 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.02 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.96 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.03 | At or below not-qualifying threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.99 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.01 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.45 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.27 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.14 |
| Disability (including neurodivergence and mental health), disabled people and disability or sickness benefits | 0.07 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.07 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:01 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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