Debate contribution: New Deal for Private Renters in Northern Ireland
Debate contribution by Mr Mark Durkan on .
- MLA
- Mr Mark Durkan
- Party at the time
- Social Democratic and Labour Party
- Date
- 24 February 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- New Deal for Private Renters in Northern Ireland
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4813955
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. For many people, renting is no longer a stepping stone but their only option, and one that is becoming more untenable by the day. That stepping stone now provides slippery and unstable footing, with skyrocketing rents, stagnant housing benefits and a lack of meaningful support pushing more and more people into arrears and towards a greater risk of homelessness. As we have heard, the private rented sector in Northern Ireland is the fastest growing across these islands, with twice as many families living in private rented housing here than in the social sector. The repeated failure of successive Executives to meet social housing supply targets has led to more low-income households floundering in a largely unregulated sector. Since 2020, the writing has been on the wall for private renters at risk of poverty, eviction and homelessness. That has resulted in a 48,000 household-long social housing waiting list, driven by the unaffordability and instability of the private rented sector, with the loss of private rental accommodation being responsible for an estimated 33% of all homelessness presentations. Between 2022 and 2023, there was a 17% increase in the number of households made homeless owing to the loss of their private rental home. I have spoken with countless renters who, after spending a decade or more living in, and caring for, a property, were evicted for daring to make a reasonable request for repairs or that persistent problems with damp be addressed. I have witnessed a 122% increase in rental market costs in the past five years for a basic two-up two-down home in the Derry area, where the issue has been made even worse by the quest to provide more-profitable student accommodation. How can anyone be expected to keep their head above water in such impossible circumstances? Although I concur with most of what the Member who spoke previously said when proposing his amendment, I point out that many landlords are responsible, reasonable people. I am sure that some of Mr Carroll's comrades or supporters own property and provide accommodation. Many are almost accidental landlords, who have been caught with rising mortgage rates, insurance costs and rates, and that is then reflected in rising rents. I have even heard from some people who are trying to find ways in which to mitigate the burden on their tenants, but that is not to deny that there is an issue with unscrupulous landlords or to let them off the hook. Regardless of that, however, renters have been left exposed and vulnerable. Meanwhile, the long-awaited and much-vaunted housing supply strategy is notable for its lack of detail on reforms for the sector. If my memory serves me correctly — it does not always — the issue is afforded just one line in the strategy. Promises that the previous Minister made during the previous mandate about welfare mitigations and private tenancy safeguards have seemingly evaporated in recent times. Members right across the Chamber recognised that the then Private Tenancies Bill in the previous mandate fell far short of what was required, but we were assured that subsequent legislation would strengthen security of tenure and deal with a ban on no-fault evictions. The Bill made provision for longer notice to quit periods, which worked effectively during the pandemic. Although that was a welcome move, it was simply to be a starting point. In principle, the intermediate rent scheme is a very positive step, but, to date, the Minister has not been able to give assurances that schemes will be prioritised in areas of greatest housing need or to provide detail on how individual applicants for such schemes will be prioritised.
We support the motion but seek support for our amendment. We recognise the need to protect private tenants against unfair rent increases and to empower them to call out poor practices and demand quality homes without fear of retaliatory eviction. Rent controls are a welcome intervention, but it is important that any such provision is implemented quickly and properly to reduce the prospect or fallout of unintended consequences. The motion does not go far enough, and I am hopeful that my amendment supplements and complements it. We propose an amendment that will ensure that people get help before reaching crisis point. Prevention is better than cure, and at least part of that cure is in extending the threatened with homelessness window, along with the introduction of meaningful financial support to help renters meet the growing gap between housing benefit and soaring market rents.
Certainly.
I thank the Member for the intervention. My primary concern is and our primary concern should be the cost of the current situation for those caught in that trap, but I fully welcome the Member's suggestion and support any cross-party or Executive intervention that can be made with DWP to argue the case. As an Opposition, we will be fully supportive of and behind that. The local housing allowance was increased for 2024-25, but costs were based on September 2023 rates. It was already outdated, and now, with a freeze for 2025-26, the support fails to reflect the reality of the precarious rental market. To make matters worse, the removal of discretionary housing payments from many long-term disability benefit recipients has pushed some of the most vulnerable into crisis. Many of those individuals cannot work due to their conditions or ill health, which means that they have no ability to increase their household income. Now they face rent arrears, eviction and the terrifying prospect of homelessness. Targeted support to address the reality of housing costs would reduce pressure on social housing waiting lists and help individuals and families sustain tenancies for longer, creating a strengthened private sector that works for everyone in it. We need to act now. The number of families who are struggling to keep a roof over their heads will only grow. It is time for real, meaningful action to protect renters and prevent the crisis from spiralling even further.
995 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not qualifying”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.03 (qualifying needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not qualifying).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.97).
- No identity-based framing was identified (1.00).
- Subject area: Disability (including neurodivergence and mental health), disabled people and disability or sickness benefits.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-qualifying threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.04 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.01 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.03 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.02 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.97 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.03 | At or below not-qualifying threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 1.00 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Disability (including neurodivergence and mental health), disabled people and disability or sickness benefits | 0.95 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.05 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 12:01 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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