Debate contribution: Tobacco and Vapes Bill: Legislative Consent Motion
Debate contribution by Ms Claire Sugden on .
- MLA
- Ms Claire Sugden
- Party at the time
- Independent
- Date
- 10 February 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Executive Committee Business
- Heading
- Tobacco and Vapes Bill: Legislative Consent Motion
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4790862
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I support the legislative consent motion (LCM), through which I see an opportunity for better public health, particularly in Northern Ireland, where smoking continues to be one of the leading causes of preventable death. In March 2024, then Health Minister Swann confirmed Northern Ireland's inclusion in the UK Tobacco and Vapes Bill, with the Assembly endorsing the plan later that May, thereby aligning this region with national efforts to phase out smoking for future generations and demonstrating a strong commitment to tackling smoking-related deaths. Today is the tangible outcome of our commitment to tackling smoking- and vaping-related harm by translating it into effective legislation. Furthermore, plans to ban the sale of single-use vapes by April 2025 demonstrate a proactive approach to public health as well as environmental concerns.
Smoking remains one of the biggest public health challenges of our time. It burdens our health service, devastates families and generates enormous economic costs. The introduction of smoke-free legislation ensuring that those born after 2009 will never legally purchase tobacco is a necessary step towards eradicating the cycle of addiction and ill health associated with smoking. Beyond traditional tobacco, we must also acknowledge the rise in youth vaping, which has become a growing concern. Take, for example, the case of a 17-year-old who began vaping at 12 and was hospitalised after coughing up blood due to severe lung damage. His story is not unique. Across the United Kingdom, hospitals treat increasing numbers of young people suffering from vaping-related illnesses. While vapes have been promoted as a cessation tool for smokers, they have also become alarmingly attractive to young people who have never smoked. The bright packaging, sweet flavours and targeted marketing towards teenagers have created an entirely new public health issue. The Bill seeks to curb that trend and rightly so. We cannot afford to become complacent. I have seen at first hand the devastating impact of smoking. My father died of lung cancer caused by smoking 15 years after he gave it up. This is not just a policy debate; it is about protecting lives and ensuring that future generations do not suffer the same fate as me and my family. We know that the vast majority of smokers take up the habit in their youth. By preventing young people from ever legally purchasing tobacco, we remove that gateway. One of the most valuable contributions to our consideration of the LCM has come from young people. The Northern Ireland Youth Assembly has expressed strong support for measures to regulate vaping and to prevent the next generation from becoming addicted to nicotine. It has also raised concerns about ensuring adequate support for those who are already addicted to vapes and the potential enforcement challenges of banning smoking in more public places. Their voices remind us that the legislation is not just for today or for us but for the future generations who will live in a healthier Northern Ireland because of the steps that we are taking today. Their concerns about enforcement and public awareness are valid, and it is incumbent on us to ensure that the regulations are not only robust but effectively communicated and implemented. There have been discussions regarding the legal implications of the generational smoking ban under the Windsor framework and EU law. While those complexities must be addressed, they should not stand in the way of implementing critical public health measures. The expansion of the Northern Ireland tobacco retail register to include vapes and nicotine products will provide the necessary oversight to ensure compliance and enforcement of the new regulations. As for the legal complexities, the Windsor framework once again highlights how Northern Ireland is uniquely constrained compared with the rest of the United Kingdom. Whilst England, Scotland and Wales can take decisive action on matters of public health, we remain bound by EU directives without democratic input or control. It is not just the case with tobacco legislation; Northern Ireland has diverged from the rest of the UK on multiple policy fronts, creating a situation where we are unable to implement laws that benefit our citizens. The fact that we must navigate EU rules while the rest of the UK is free to act underscores a wider issue of fairness and sovereignty. We should have the same ability to enact legislation that protects lives, yet the Windsor framework limits us in doing so. It is not a technical issue; it is a fundamental failure of democratic representation. If those legal challenges arise, they will be addressed, but we must recognise how serious the situation is becoming. Northern Ireland risks being unable to implement vital public health policies while the rest of the United Kingdom moves forward. It is an unacceptable constraint on our ability to protect lives. The legislation alone will not solve the problem. We need to ensure that enforcement mechanisms are properly funded and that public awareness campaigns accompany the changes. Retailers must be supported in complying with the new regulations, and public health messaging must continue to evolve, particularly in relation to vaping. As others have said, education is also key. In GB, clinics have been set up with the aim of treating nicotine addiction amongst children as young as 11 years old. That highlights the scale of the issue and the need for intervention at both legislative and public awareness levels. We must ensure that schools, parents and young people understand the risks associated with nicotine addiction and that cessation support is readily available for those who need it. I support the motion, because it is the right step towards a healthier Northern Ireland. It protects future generations, strengthens regulation and addresses the evolving challenges of tobacco and nicotine use. While there are complexities and challenges, we must not lose sight of the fundamental goal, which is reducing addiction, saving lives and easing the burden on our health service.
977 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.08 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.91).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.98).
- Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.06 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.03 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.06 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.91 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.08 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.98 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.01 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.01 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.87 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.09 |
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.04 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 11:56 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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