Debate contribution: Relationships and Sexuality Education and Healthy Young Adult Relationships
Debate contribution by Mr David Brooks on .
- MLA
- Mr David Brooks
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 14 January 2025
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Opposition Business
- Heading
- Relationships and Sexuality Education and Healthy Young Adult Relationships
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4736671
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker, for the second time. With constrained speaking times today, the Chair of the Education Committee and other colleagues from the Committee may wonder whether I will get past the preamble in the debate. In the context of the debate, although the term "RSE" often invokes passionate and diametrically opposed positions and, as we may see, differences even in how we should approach such education, it is important that we outline that on which there is agreement. I do not think that there is any Member of the Assembly who would not argue that we have work to do in addressing the trend in violence towards women and girls in our society. We will all have been part of debates in the Chamber, often following another horrific attack or murder. Many will have had to engage with the families or individuals affected and speak to police or press about incidents in our constituencies. Many aspects of concern have been brought to the Education Committee during our mini RSE inquiry, an inquiry that, in general terms, has probably taken disproportionate priority and, perhaps, more time than many of us would have liked. Nevertheless, it has produced some useful sessions and information. Many sessions have found broad agreement on issues around violence against women and girls, online harms and ensuring that young people have age-appropriate tools to enable them to understand when someone has been inappropriate with them and how to report that. It is important to recognise that, on an issue that is often defined by polarising points or finer nuances on which we will continue to disagree, we often share similar concerns around the issues at the heart of the discussion. The curtailed time that I have does not allow for an in-depth discussion of the Ulster University report, but, in general, I feel that much work in that area is worth considering. However, at some point, we need to step beyond theorising and focus on forward movement and action. I also express some concern about the weight given to reports — it applies not only to this report — that seem to be based on a relatively small and potentially quite unrepresentative sample. In any case, the Executive have now agreed an overarching strategy that outlines their range of commitments to addressing violence against women and girls and to promoting healthy relationships, with collaboration by Departments across the Executive. The report, in some instances, will share synergy on some issues with which, as has been said, sadly, we are all increasingly familiar. The Executive's strategy is to be actioned through a delivery plan, which is to say that the Ministers already have a blueprint for action. I know that the Education Minister is committed to playing his part. That blueprint, rather than regularly published academic or interest group papers, should now provide a plan for action and progress that should be the focus for Executive Ministers. I am not arguing that this and other reports and submissions should not be duly considered, but it is one of a range of contributions on the issue, many of which will have helped to shape and inform the thinking of Members and Ministers and should be considered in that manner rather than being adopted as an alternative action plan to the Executive's plan. Again, I will address the changes that we have proposed to the motion. Personally, I am not convinced of the ask for a joint departmental task force to be assembled. It feels like a proposal that will simply take up more time. There is already a commitment to the cross-departmental action plan. Departments and, I am sure, Ministers are more than aware and informed of the issues at hand and are more than capable of collaborating and considering the necessary steps that they can collaborate on. They are best placed to put forward any further proposals or structures required, and I am sure that the Minister will touch on that. I have listened and will listen to the Opposition's arguments today, but my initial thinking is that such a proposal, in the context of the motion and the existing work that Departments have committed to, seems arbitrary. I am not convinced that it would necessarily lead to expedited or additional meaningful action in the area. Our amendment also commits to parental consent. I have expressed before that I do not believe that there would be many cases in which parents would wish to have a child excluded from such teaching. Even representatives from groups that may normally be stereotyped as being resistant to elements of RSE have expressed their lack of an issue with many elements discussed during the RSE mini inquiry. It was noted that rates of potential parental opt-out have been exceptionally low, even among people of faith. That said, the right to exercise parental rights should remain. This party continues to support the right of parents to parent their children; they should have primacy and the right to raise their children in accordance with their own beliefs and principles within the law. To be fair, the importance of parental —.
Thank you very much, Mr Deputy Speaker.
867 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.09 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.90).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.90).
- Subject area: Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.08 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.07 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.08 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.90 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.09 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.90 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.05 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.05 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.92 |
| Sexism, misogyny, ageism and other equality groups | 0.07 |
| Religion and belief (including people of no religion), churches, faith communities and religious prejudice (including antisemitism and anti-Muslim prejudice) | 0.01 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 11:50 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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