Debate contribution: Holiday Hunger and the High Cost of School Uniforms
Debate contribution by Mr David Brooks on .
- MLA
- Mr David Brooks
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 12 November 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Holiday Hunger and the High Cost of School Uniforms
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4658667
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I beg to move amendment No 1:
Do I have 10 minutes?
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. The issues before us today are issues that we would all like to see resolved. We all want the same outcomes: to reduce or remove the undue financial pressure placed on parents where uniform policies are unreasonable and to ensure that families are able to provide nutrition for their children. At a time when the Education budget is under intense pressure, in addressing poverty, which is, essentially, what holiday hunger measures are about, the Executive must introduce coherent and joined-up measures across Departments. It does not naturally sit, certainly not solely, with Education. The Member who proposed the motion spoke about this not disappearing into the Executive abyss. We should, of course, be holding the Executive to account, but the reticence of some Departments to work jointly in the past should not deter a focus on cross-departmental working on such huge cross-cutting issues or excuse a lack of it. It is not just on this issue. Other Members have pushed worthy initiatives around children's health and well-being in the past, but it is legitimate to ask where those responsibilities sit. Just as it is not fair or reasonable that a teacher should continually have more non-educational tasks added to their duties, so we must also ensure that Departments or agencies are living up to their responsibilities as they pertain to young people. In Scotland, support is provided through local authorities and Social Security Scotland. As a former councillor and the husband of a current councillor, I declare an interest and acknowledge that, if councils are to provide support, they will require funding. Again, that requires Executive consideration. When we talk about disappearing into the Executive abyss, we should remember that the Executive are our Government. Governing, including joint working, is their role. It is a Government that the party of the Member who proposed the motion chooses to be part of, even if, as we saw yesterday, it does not necessarily honour the conventions and, I argue, the responsibilities that come with the office that it holds. The Welsh Government have explained that the extension of free school meal periods was a time-limited intervention in response to the pandemic, and they have not indicated the intention to reintroduce it. What provision there is comes through holiday club schemes funded by central government. It is just a fact that there were benefits that the Executive were able to roll out in unconventional ways during that period, where significant extra money was made available centrally, and it is not reasonable to expect, even where they were positive and things that we would all desire, that they would all continue in the way that we all may wish. Many of us will have read the Trussell Trust 'Hunger in Northern Ireland' report and engaged regularly with Trussell and its member food banks. The rise in demand for their services has been steeper in Northern Ireland than anywhere else. In the five years preceding 2022-23 — I understand the unique circumstances for some of that time — the Trussell network increased by 141% here. My office is just a few doors down from a local food bank. As a side note, we understand that we should not need their services but it is clear that we do, and I want to acknowledge and thank them for that work. Like other colleagues, I and my office regularly work with them to assist those in society who are struggling and, for a variety of reasons and in very contrasting circumstances, require help. We all want to and, I hope, do work to support families that are in a time of crisis and acute need. I understand why anti-poverty campaigners argue for the holiday hunger scheme, but the scheme was always intended as a temporary and time-limited solution during the pandemic. That does not mean that the need that existed before does not still exist. Campaigners will rightly argue and fight for anything that they believe will help, and none of the campaigns they fight is exclusive of wider anti-poverty campaigning. I understand that, but this is an area that should be a whole-Executive effort and a whole-Executive priority, and it can only be properly addressed by whole-Executive initiatives. Indeed, with the price of food rising globally, some levers are beyond the devolved Government. We will all have acknowledged and felt that when packing our shopping baskets. The Consumer Council says that nine in 10 consumers are worried about the cost of their food shop. That said, I recognise, as we all will, that frustration for some is a crisis for others. I have read amendment No 2 and, again, have empathy with the ultimate aims and aspirations, but it calls for a plan to widen free school meals. All I will say is that there is a need for all of us in the Chamber to be honest with people about what can be done and what choices are before us. Health speaks of the need for more money, but without significant movement on reform over many years. In fairness to Minister Nesbitt, he seems to be making more positive sounds on this, but the point still stands. We could make similar points on water infrastructure. We too oppose water charges, but other options have been ruled out without necessarily a clear plan to move forward. We are all sinners in this place in calling for things, at times, without outlining clearly where the money should come from. Other Members have called for the reinstatement of the excellent Healthy Happy Minds scheme. Few of us will not have requested new schools or facilities in our constituencies. We all want more done, and faster, around childcare.
Yes, I am happy to.
My understanding is that there is a method and a pipeline for those projects that the Member is talking about. It is about getting those things under way. I have said that I do not think anyone in this place has not been guilty, at times, of calling for things — enthusiastically and maybe quite genuinely — without thinking through the cost implications and what might have to be cut. We all call for these things, and some also want the Minister to take on more responsibility for over-19s, who are currently beyond his remit. I could go on to list the other projects that cost hundreds of millions of pounds that others in the Chamber have championed in recent months, but the point has been made. This is the job of a Minister, and the Education Minister is not one to duck those responsibilities. What will Members propose cutting? What difficult decisions will they make? Let me be clear: nobody is arguing for the needs of those who are hungry or in poverty not to be met. Nobody is saying that families should not be supported but, while we struggle to meet current provisions, each request for the Department to do more must surely be in that context. Time is moving on, and I accept that I have laboured on that point. I will move to school uniforms. I think that it is clear that the Minister is moving forward. He is regularly engaging with all stakeholders and has consulted, which is the duty of the Department. That consultation closed in September, I believe, with considerable feedback to be processed.
Consultation, by the way, to comment on Mr Butler's remarks, is not merely procrastination but a duty on the Department. Committee members, from our limited engagement on the issues, will be aware that, while all parties want to see improvements, there are complexities and impacts that are worthy of consideration. I am confident that the Minister shares our determination to support families in this area, and I look forward to the update that he will provide this afternoon. The Minister is on record as saying that he would be delighted to match or go beyond other parts of the UK on the uniform grant, but that is a resource issue, and given recent days, it should not come as a surprise to anyone, least of all the Ulster Unionist Party, that no Minister gets everything that they want. Indeed, it may note that some have received considerably less than others. If we are to indulge a return to holiday hunger, perhaps Mr Butler could outline the contribution that the Health Department wishes to make to what is, ultimately a public health initiative. I suspect, however, that there are issues that will take precedence. Our amendment recognises the struggles that families are facing and asks the Minister of Education:
"to provide an urgent update on the recent consultation on school uniforms, as well as the steps his Department is taking, in the context of the Executive’s forthcoming anti-poverty strategy, to tackle holiday hunger and reduce the financial burden of school uniforms and PE kits on struggling families."
I commend it to the House.
1,504 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.07 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.93).
- No identity-based framing was identified (1.00).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.04 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.03 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.09 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.06 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.93 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.07 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 1.00 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.81 |
| Education structures, integration and community division | 0.06 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.05 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.03 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.02 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 01:20 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
Disagree with this assessment?
Classifications can be challenged. A person reads every challenge, and any change is recorded publicly above with its reason.