Debate contribution: Tackling Paramilitarism
Debate contribution by Mr Doug Beattie MC on .
- MLA
- Mr Doug Beattie MC
- Party at the time
- Ulster Unionist Party
- Date
- 15 October 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Opposition Business
- Heading
- Tackling Paramilitarism
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4592554
Read the official Assembly record
Text
It is a sad state of affairs that paramilitaries continue to exist and exert control over government and society in such a negative way. We have allowed that to continue while we inadvertently take sides, accept our own narratives and excuse our own positions. When I was leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, I never met the Loyalist Communities Council. I had no issue with meeting it, but I made it clear that, if I was going to do so, the one and only thing on the agenda would be the disbandment of paramilitaries. I would have done anything that I could to help it achieve that aim. That would have allowed the LCC to rebrand itself and become a genuine community council, with women's groups, civic groups, religious and business organisations, sports teams and charities — not paramilitaries — coming to the fore to represent and speak for loyalism. We have seen that happen in the past with individuals. I know former paramilitaries who are on the peace line every night doing fantastic work. We have seen it with the Action for Community Transformation (ACT) initiative and with the Resurgam Trust in Lisburn. It can be done. If loyalist paramilitary groups really are interested in beginning the process of transition, they can start by stopping recruitment, stopping the collection of membership subscriptions and allowing members to leave without paying a penalty for not being involved in criminality, organised crime, coercion, drug dealing or the exploitation, including sexual exploitation, of their communities. Criticism of a Minister for meeting representatives of structured paramilitary groups is justified. A Minister's only interaction with such groups should be to persuade them to leave the stage. Instead, they have been given a platform where they feel that they have influence. If they have influence, they feel that their existence is justified.
I thank the Member for his intervention. I was going to mention that, and I will, if I get to it. The Member made the point well. I criticised the Minister, but let us not look at that incident in isolation. The Provisional IRA army council is not the military wing of Sinn Féin. Sinn Féin is the political wing of the Provisional IRA army council. That in itself is an insidious element of our politics in Northern Ireland. Let us not forget that Sinn Féin Members went to Maghaberry in 2016 to meet dissidents and promote their aims. The Cold War stand-off between those who lead our Government will continue and stop society from moving forward. I want to make three points. The first is about the use of language. Of course, we have used the term "paramilitaries". I have used it.
It is a simple descriptor, but the reality is that they are organised crime gangs, child abusers, drug dealers. Few Ministers would meet representatives of those groups if the headlines said, "Minister meets drug dealers" or "Minister meets child abusers".
My second point is on enforcement. The paramilitary task force needs more resources to enable it to dismantle those criminal groups — all criminal groups, regardless of what flag they fly or what colour they represent — and a commitment is needed from MI5, the National Crime Agency (NCA), His Majesty's Revenue and Customs and the UK Border Force to work with the task force in a joined-up manner. The action plan on tackling paramilitary activity, criminality and organised crime needs to use more stick than carrot, and it must work proactively to help groups to transition. If that means the transition of small groups, it can be that. At the end of the day, there is no point in treating paramilitaries as criminals or drug dealers, putting them through the courts with evidence, getting them sentenced and then sticking them into a separated prison regime where they are called "Brigadier". They then get the kudos of being a brigadier, get released back into society as a brigadier and infect their society once more. We have to look at that. Members might remember that, in 2016, I tabled a motion to enable us to deal with that. It failed because political parties did not support me. My last point is on something that the leader of the Opposition raised: the Northern Ireland Development Group has given us 10 recommendations for what it might be possible to do next. Its report, "Reframing the debate: Ending Loyalist Paramilitarism", by Rev Chris Hudson, Dr John Kyle, Trevor Ringland and Professor Graham Spencer is well worth a read. I will not go through all 10 recommendations, but I ask all Members to look them up. The report makes it clear that recruitment has to end, as I mentioned. It recommends:
"Establishing an end date for all internal processes of change (civilianisation, demobilisation" —
or transition — use whatever word you want. It also recommends:
"Setting up an advisory group to counter and confront negative media stereotypes of loyalism and forge new positive relations with others",
because, when you say the word "loyalism", it is linked with paramilitaries, and that is just not fair.
848 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.21 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.83).
- The text criticises or condemns the framing or division (0.62).
- Subject area: Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.19 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.14 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.07 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.33 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.15 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.83 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.21 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing | 0.18 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it (chosen) | 0.62 |
| Adopts it | 0.20 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Legacy of the Troubles, victims and paramilitarism | 0.71 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.29 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.00 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 11:26 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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