Debate contribution: Opposition to Racism

Debate contribution by Mr Timothy Gaston on 8 August 2024.

MLA: Mr Timothy Gaston
Party at the time: Traditional Unionist Voice
Date: 8 August 2024
Type: Debate contribution
Business: Private Members' Business
Heading: Opposition to Racism
Assembly identifier: Official Report component 4500421

Text

I certainly did not envisage that this would be the way in which I would be breaking myself into Assembly debate, but there are times when we need to pull up our socks, get on our feet and lead from the front. I strongly condemn the violence that we have seen in recent days. I will be clear from the outset that the destruction of property and physical attacks on people have no place in Northern Ireland, and they never have. Those responsible need to be brought to justice regardless of the label that they do it under or the organisation from which they stem. I have taken multiple calls from business owners across North Antrim who are concerned about the potential risk to their employees and the potential effect on their business should workers decide to return home. Take Wrightbus as an example from my constituency. It employs over 2,000 people. Owing to the lack of a skilled workforce locally, it has had to bring in 600 skilled workers from the Philippines. Those workers come to Northern Ireland to work, and they contribute financially to the country and integrate into their local community and with their neighbours. They should be made to feel very welcome in Northern Ireland. Across Northern Ireland, multiple sectors depend on foreign workers, and I appeal to those who take to the streets to exercise their right to protest to do so with that fact in mind. I have come to the conclusion that one of the main problems that people such as me have with condemning the violence in this place alongside some of those who condemn the violence in this place is the structures that exist here. The First Minister has said that there was no alternative to the IRA campaign. Let me remind the House what that means. It means that there was no alternative to the murder of Thomas Niedermayer, a German industrialist who brought employment to Belfast, only to be abducted, murdered and buried face down in a dump by the Provisional IRA. It was a horrific case, and it ultimately resulted in a number of his family members taking their own lives. You cannot say, out of one side of your mouth, that the violence directed at immigrants in recent days is wrong whilst defending, out of the other side of your mouth, the murder of a migrant who brought jobs to west Belfast. All murder was and is wrong, and all violence was and is wrong, and the very fact that there are people sitting in this place who cannot say that is a huge problem. I hear regularly from people who see that violence has worked for others in Northern Ireland and who now believe that it is the only way in which to make others sit up and take notice of their concerns. I hear that argument time and time again. I will never defend violence, but Members need to recognise and respect the fact that people have the right to protest peacefully and express their concerns. Whether the House likes to hear it or not, there are legitimate concerns about legal and illegal immigration in Northern Ireland and throughout the rest of the United Kingdom. I welcome the statement from the Hampshire and Isle of Wight Police and Crime Commissioner, Ms Donna Jones, who said:
"the only way to stem the tide of violent disorder is to acknowledge what is causing it."
She went on to say:
"The government must acknowledge what is causing this civil unrest in order to prevent it. Arresting people, or creating violent disorder units, is treating the symptom and not the cause."
Honeyed words from the House, spoken while ignoring the problems, will not make the issue go away. The people who have legitimate concerns are fathers, mothers and grandparents. It is simply wrong to brand them as being far right, as many have tried to do. It is only right to acknowledge that the tragic murders in Southport was the catalyst that sparked the current unrest, which is similar to the trouble that we have seen in France and, indeed, the Republic. Unchecked, unpoliced and illegal migration needs to be brought to an end.
I have repeatedly heard it claimed that the number of people leaving Northern Ireland is greater than the number of those coming here. Data published by the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency proves that claim to be false. In fact, there was a net international flow of over 5,000 people in the year ending mid-2022. The reality is that many working-class communities, such as Harryville in my constituency, recognise that immigration has been a factor in the pressures on housing.
If the Member had listened to me, she would have heard me say that immigration has been a factor. I did not say that it was solely the cause of the problem. There are also greater pressures in my constituency, like seeing a doctor or dentist, where — whether or not you like to admit it — immigration has played a part. There are pressures in schools, and immigration has been a factor, mainly due to a language barrier.
Yes, years of underinvestment in this place and the Departments have played a part in that, but burying your heads in the sand will not make the issue go away. My goodness, all the rigorous implementers in the House who cheer every time the protocol separates us further from the rest of the United Kingdom, including on immigration policy, also have to take some responsibility for the mess in which we find ourselves. Moving forward, it is highly likely that Northern Ireland will face greater challenges than the rest of the UK. While the Government in Westminster will look to grapple with the issue, we in Northern Ireland are excluded —
— from such measures as a result of the protocol.

986 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.

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