Debate contribution: All-Ireland Tourism
Debate contribution by Mr Andrew McMurray on .
- MLA
- Mr Andrew McMurray
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 18 June 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Opposition Business
- Heading
- All-Ireland Tourism
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4497321
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I welcome the motion. The tourism industry is important to the Northern Ireland economy. If there are opportunities to develop and grow the economy, within reason, they should be explored. From the outset, it must be noted that there is already much all-island collaboration in the industry. While the motion is welcome, the industry is ahead of the curve when it comes to this matter, as is often the case. I want to touch on the Wild Atlantic Way, which is slightly outside my constituency — well, it is at the other end of Northern Ireland. I have spent a fair bit of time in the Atlantic off the north coast. Ever since I was a child, I knew that the north Antrim coast was the Atlantic. It is very important there. In a previous life, my wife and I, before we had children, spent many's a weekend and longer exploring the coasts, crags and surf breaks of Ireland's west coast and, as a result, the Wild Atlantic Way, and I can categorically say that the beaches, cliffs and islands off our North Atlantic coast are as consistently stunning as those along any part of the Wild Atlantic Way.
Thank you very much. I can understand precisely why it would be beneficial and desirable for the Wild Atlantic Way to follow the Atlantic coast all the way round to where it meets the North Channel and, in effect, becomes the Irish Sea. There are numerous microbusinesses that have flourished not because there is anything new about the landscape, but because the package of the Wild Atlantic Way resonates with domestic and international visitors alike. A tourist making their way around the Donegal section of the Wild Atlantic Way, perhaps unaware of our constitutional nuances, will simply see that it ends somewhere around Lough Foyle, and although the golden strands of Benone, Portstewart and Portrush and the spectacular Fair Head will be waving at them, they will not progress any further. South Down has a logical and cast-iron claim to be included in Ireland's Ancient East. Carlingford lough has served to connect the Cooleys and the Mournes and the people of them, and to have it finish, in tourists' eyes, somewhere around Omeath, with Kilbroney and Slieve Martin within view, seems like an unutilised opportunity. Incorporating Ireland's Ancient East into our tourism package would be most welcomed by the industry. South Down has a natural beauty — Strangford and Carlingford loughs, the Mourne Mountains and the Dromara hills — a rich ancient and built heritage, with souterrains, cashels, abbeys and castles, as well as sites from our recent industrial past, such as the County Down Railway. However, it is not just the ancient that makes it so appealing to visitors; there is a thriving activity tourism sector and a top-class hospitality sector.
My constituency of South Down would benefit from the extension of Ireland's Ancient East into the district, given the natural physical linkages that exist.
While the concept of Ireland's Ancient East is a great way to capture the essence of what is on offer, it perhaps does not accurately reflect the wide scope of the product that is on offer. The reason that matters is twofold: it is about getting visitors to consider the area as a destination and then presenting the range of possibilities to them. As I understand it, collaboration is going on already and many stakeholders from the North are leading on developing the evolving brand. That encapsulates the motion and elements of the DUP amendment: there is room for both. The Wild Atlantic Way, Ireland's Ancient East and Ireland's Hidden Heartlands have all been referenced in the debate. They allow for differentiation when people visit the North. As I understand it, having an overarching theme and further localised themes within that is a technique that is fairly commonplace in the tourism industry. Those terms essentially package things in a way that is easy to understand and encourages people to visit Ireland. For too long, Northern Ireland has not utilised the potential for tourism to develop its economy. It is essentially an opportunity to promote our part of the island. Economies of scale would suggest that, by being part of the larger brand, my constituency would benefit from an extension of that brand while keeping what is unique to it. While extending is grand and important, the industry must also evolve in this matter. I will touch on a final couple of points. While it is correct that the motion should refer to tourism as an economic driver, we should be cognisant of the fact that it should not be seen as simply a numbers game in which the aim is to see exponential growth. Growth is important but so, too, are sustainability and regeneration: it is not about what the visitor can extract from the site but about ensuring that it is given back. Cognisance should also be given to the numbers that an area can comfortably support and to ensuring that locals are fully supportive of the developments that are to come through the tourism.
851 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not qualifying”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.04 (qualifying needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not qualifying).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.78).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.99).
- Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-qualifying threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.04 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.03 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.03 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.04 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.78 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.04 | At or below not-qualifying threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.99 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.01 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.64 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.36 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
| Parades, bonfires and commemorations | 0.00 |
| Irish language, Ulster-Scots and language policy | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 10:38 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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