Debate contribution: Defence Industries
Debate contribution by Mr David Brooks on .
- MLA
- Mr David Brooks
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 20 May 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Defence Industries
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4491184
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I declare an interest in that I have a close relative who works in Spirit Aerosystems, which I may refer to. The Member who spoke previously shows concern around the British Government being unionist in their outlook. Does she show the same concern when the Irish Government work towards a united Ireland? That is not a concern that I have heard from those Benches. As you might expect, as a Member for East Belfast, which has such a significant heritage but also present industry in defence, I fully support the motion proposed by my colleagues. When speaking about defence spending, I thank all those who serve in our armed forces for all they do at home and abroad to ensure the safety of our nation and that of our allies and neighbours. In the 2023-24 financial year, the UK spent £54·2 billion on defence. That is expected to rise to £57·1 billion in this financial year. The Prime Minister has spoken of further increasing defence spending to 2·5% by 2030 and rightly so. In a world where the safety and freedoms of the UK and our allies are increasingly threatened in both traditional and new ways, it is vital that we uphold our NATO commitments on defence spending. In the past, Northern Ireland has been undervalued in defence spending and procurement, with MoD spending per head of population much lower here than in other regions of the UK. We have, however, seen a 20% rise in that spending in the past year. The DUP, most prominently through our party leader Gavin Robinson's efforts at Westminster, has worked to champion and advance that growth and address the imbalance. Evidencing that work, the 'Safeguarding the Union' Command Paper provides a commitment on strengthening Northern Ireland's defence industries, and we have seen the commencement of the inquiry into defence spending in Northern Ireland by the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee at Westminster. The DUP has also called for the exploration of an MoD hub in Northern Ireland to help nurture and facilitate a strategic approach to supporting and developing the industry. East Belfast, which is already a thriving hive of relevant industries such as aerospace, missile systems, cybersecurity, shipbuilding and a range of other advanced manufacturing businesses, is ready to be at the centre of such a strategy. In spite of what has been said in the debate, many of my constituents — "workers", to use the preferred terminology of some — are able to testify that the defence-related industries have provided them with a good job and work from which they can take pride and, more importantly, provide income for their families.
Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Yes, absolutely, I agree with the Member. As I say, many of my constituents are able to testify to the good jobs that they have secured because of the defence industries. There are good jobs, as we have heard, in Thales, which contributes over £77 million to Northern Ireland's GDP and employs over 500 people. We can be immensely proud of the role that that east Belfast workforce played in supporting Ukrainians defending their homeland from attack, notably with the new generation light anti-tank weapon (NLAW) that became so iconic of that resistance. There are good jobs in Harland and Wolff, the shipyard famed for its past but with renewed vibrancy today as a UK strategic defence asset. It is one of only three UK naval shipbuilders suitable for major MoD contract work and boasts two of the largest dry docks in Europe. It is part of a £1·6 billion contract to manufacture three 216 metre-long naval support ships for the Royal Navy. There are good jobs at Spirit Aerosystems. That global leader in the production of aerostructures already supplies 3,000 good jobs at its sites in east Belfast, Newtownabbey and Newtownards. While predominantly commercial, just like its predecessors on its Belfast sites, the company has a strong heritage in defence. There are good jobs at less familiar but no less formidable names like Vikela Armour, a business developing world-class body armour systems that provide advanced protection to our service men and women. As has been stated, Belfast is a globally recognised centre for cybersecurity excellence. Cyberattacks by malevolent regimes and rogue states do not just target the military; they have targeted the NHS, the police, councils, payroll operations and key private businesses. Belfast's skill base can provide a key defence through more good jobs, which, the Members opposite tell us, they want. I am hugely proud of the role that east Belfast, our city and Northern Ireland as a whole plays in our nation's defence, and, like colleagues, I am keen to see us do more still.
I am delighted by the well-paid and stable employment that those industries provide to families here. If the constituents of the party opposite do not want those jobs, they can be sure that East Belfast does. I, of course, have a natural bias towards East Belfast, but there are many other examples across Northern Ireland. Given our skills base and huge untapped potential, I ask the Minister and colleagues across the Chamber to join us in realising that potential.
861 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not qualifying”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.27 (qualifying needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not qualifying).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.80).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.47).
- Subject area: Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty.
- The overall probability was at or below the not-qualifying threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.16 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.09 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.03 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.51 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.20 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.80 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.27 | At or below not-qualifying threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.47 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.23 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.30 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.85 |
| No identity-related subject | 0.11 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.02 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.02 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 10:21 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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