Debate contribution: Ban Petroleum Licensing and Fracking
Debate contribution by Ms Sinéad McLaughlin on .
- MLA
- Ms Sinéad McLaughlin
- Party at the time
- Social Democratic and Labour Party
- Date
- 29 April 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- Ban Petroleum Licensing and Fracking
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4486581
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I am glad to speak about my party's support for not just a moratorium but a complete legislative ban on fracking. In fact, I think that all parties in the Chamber will be united in their opposition to fracking. We have all heard from people in communities across the North who have been loud and clear about their opposition to future fracking. Those communities know that fracking is an exploitative practice in local places. Environmental activists and campaigners have led the way in demanding robust action to protect the environment and natural habitats for generations to come. Those dedicated campaign groups that have been sounding the alarm about fracking know all too well that, when fracking takes place, communities suffer the consequences for a long time after the companies have left. The experts, too, have been clear about the environmental and public health implications of allowing the practice to take place again. A 2017 study found that fracking poses significant harm to health, with mothers who live close to the practice being more likely to give birth to a less healthy child with a lower birth weight. In 2019, a new study found that fracking was linked to higher rates of preterm births, as well as higher rates of asthma. A growing body of evidence is adding to the case for banning fracking purely due to its health impacts. It is also obvious that climate action and fossil fuel extraction are absolutely incompatible. More than that, to allow even the possibility of fracking in this part of the world is deeply irresponsible, not only to future generations but to our duty to safeguard the natural environment. That was the feeling in this place when we agreed a cross-party motion unanimously in October 2020. Like many across the Chamber, I was disappointed, but unsurprised, when former Prime Minister Liz Truss, in her month-long reign of missteps, backed fracking in yet another example of why no one can ever trust the Conservative Party or its allies on the environment. The SDLP's record on the issue is clear. In 2015, my colleague Mark Durkan took the pivotal step of enshrining a ban on fracking in policy as part of his strategic planning policy statement. In the previous mandate, we supported the Onshore Fracking (Prohibition) Bill that was sponsored by Áine Murphy, and we agreed with parties around the Chamber that supported its policy intention. I am glad that the Minister has stated that one of his four key priorities is to reduce carbon emissions. There is no doubt that a ban on fracking fits neatly into his agenda, and there is no reason why any delay should take place. Of course, energy regulation is not the only pressing issue in the Minister's in tray. We have enormous potential on this island and in this part of the world, but it will take the full power of the Government to seize that opportunity. In this mandate, the Minister must get on with delivering the energy strategy and work with the whole Executive to meet our obligations. Households across the North will need and deserve financial support to assist in the transition to more efficient forms of energy. The Minister has already said that he plans to introduce a wide-ranging energy Bill. While it is welcome that the Utility Regulator's powers are to be examined, it must also bring in the regulation of home heating oil, given our reliance on that form of fossil fuel as a region. All those steps and many more are vital if we are to meet the targets that have now been enshrined in law. Those are targets that, I think, are in danger of being badly missed, not least due to the impact of stop-start government over the past 15 years. However, while there may be much debate about these measures —
Certainly.
I certainly do agree with the Member, and time is of the essence. That is why we are pushing for an actual time for the legislation. While there may be much debate about these measures in these three years, there is no public support or demand for fracking. It is a practice that virtually no one in this Chamber endorses, but consecutive DUP Ministers have failed to intervene, despite holding the responsibility to do so since 2007. It is good, Minister, that the tide is turning on this. While I welcome the debate and the opportunity to, once again, speak about our support for a legislative ban, the question now has to be of how long it will take for the Economy Minister to get on and deliver this. In this place, we are in danger sometimes of feeling that, instead of being legislators, we are professional debaters. That has to stop. We need to get on with legislating in and around this. This motion is in danger of serving simply as self-congratulations on a step that the Minister has already committed to. The time has come for the Executive to step up to the plate and finally start delivering. That is the purpose of our amendment today. In 2019, two new applications were submitted, and, although a consensus exists across the Chamber, we will only know that the threat of fracking has been removed once and for all once the legislation is actually in place. We know that a paper was circulated to the Executive in the previous mandate from the previous Economy Minister that recommended that a legislative ban should be the policy direction for the Executive. I do not believe that the current Minister should roll back on that now. Instead, we need to follow the example of other parts of these islands, including the South, which has banned fracking since 2017. It is time to close the door on fracking once and for all, not merely through a moratorium but through legislation. I trust that all parties across the Chamber will back this call, and I urge the Minister to get on with it.
1,002 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.04 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.93).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.99).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.04 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.05 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.08 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.04 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.93 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.04 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.99 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.01 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.97 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.01 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.01 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 10:20 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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