Debate contribution: MOT Testing: Backlog
Debate contribution by Mrs Deborah Erskine on .
- MLA
- Mrs Deborah Erskine
- Party at the time
- Democratic Unionist Party
- Date
- 11 March 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Private Members' Business
- Heading
- MOT Testing: Backlog
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4270159
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I beg to move
I declare an interest as someone waiting for an MOT test appointment and in that my husband's has relations who work in the Driver and Vehicle Agency (DVA) system. I make my comments as a Fermanagh and South Tyrone DUP MLA and not as Chair of the Infrastructure Committee. The motion is of extreme importance to thousands of people in Northern Ireland. Fairness and timely access to vehicle testing across Northern Ireland is a simple ask. How we ensure that that happens needs to be dealt with. We can no longer hide the fact that our MOT system, as it is, is not fit for purpose. Change and overhaul is due.
I like to think of myself as someone who is fairly on the ball when it comes to my affairs, but, to be honest, remembering when my MOT test was due was not something that I ever thought about until very recently, when a letter dropped through my door. For months — indeed, years now — I have been dealing with constituents who have been unable to get their MOT test on time. I duly went online to book a test for myself, and none was available anywhere at that stage. We have to ask why we have we got to that situation. That is not to mention the fact that drivers in Northern Ireland have seen an increase in pricing yet are not seeing any bang for their buck, so to speak, when it comes to accessing a test. Last week, we found out that cracks have now appeared in MOT lifts. We await further testing on those lifts, but that issue raises a number of questions. Again, how have we managed to get to that situation? A crack in testing equipment is a crack, and that is not good enough, no matter what gloss people try to paint over it. The DVA chief executive came out and said that a 72-day wait for an MOT test is now the norm. It should not be, however, and we should not accept that. When we compare the number of full tests conducted at each of the DVA's testing centres in January 2024 with the situation in January 2019, we see that 10 out of the 15 test centre sites were operating at a reduced capacity compared with capacity five years ago. Last week, we were told by the DVA that 1·15 million tests have been carried out — the highest number on record — yet still we have an issue with our MOT testing service. Let us be honest with ourselves: the crisis in MOT testing was brewing before the pandemic. Long-term neglect of the DVA estate initially led to the suspension of testing services in December 2019 and January 2020, owing to problems with lifts. In February 2022, I spoke in the Chamber about the effects of the problems in getting an MOT test, and I am still raising those issues in the Chamber today, particularly those that affect rural drivers and drivers who have to go further to access an appointment. How has the system got to the stage at which drivers may or may not be driving a car that is not roadworthy but may, unknowingly, find themselves on the wrong side of the law, through no fault of their own, because they have to travel such distances for a test? It is, frankly, appalling. Furthermore, where is the regional balance? MOT test centres in the west have not had much investment in the past 10 years. There is genuine concern about regional inequalities, given that public transport routes are often less well developed in those communities. The implications of not being able to secure a test are therefore more profound. The role and value of that public service has been undermined by a failure to show the right leadership to tackle the issue. I place on record my thanks to DVA testing staff for the work that they do. They are carrying out tests seven days a week, and we appreciate that, but something has to change. Many have asked whether a framework based on private vehicle testing would provide better and fairer outcomes. I recognise that there is a challenge in that suggestion for the DVA and DFI. They must, however, be in a position to respond to that criticism and demonstrate why services ought to be managed and regulated in the way in which they are. I know that the Minister ruled private testing out yesterday in the media. We need to understand why, because there is an awful lot of public commentary today about privatisation and what that could look like. Although I welcome what the SDLP amendment says, I wonder why we need another call for evidence on biennial testing. The SDLP's former Infrastructure Minister, Nichola Mallon, brought forward a call for evidence on the matter in August 2021, the results of which were published in February 2022. Interestingly, overall, the outcome in relation to private cars and motorcycles was clear, with some 88% and 77% of respondents respectively believing that MOT testing for those vehicle categories should be done on a biennial basis. Yet, at the Infrastructure Committee last week, it was interesting that officials stated that they are not looking into biennial testing at the moment. So, what is the Department doing to tackle this issue? A survey by Northern Ireland's largest price comparison site, CompareNI.com, found that over half of Northern Ireland drivers — 58% — admitted that they were driving on roads past their MOT date as a result of booking issues. That means that more than half of vehicles here could be unroadworthy. The survey also found that 42% of drivers in Northern Ireland had to wait for a cancellation just to book an MOT slot. When it was possible to book a slot, 43% had to wait more than three months for their appointment. Those figures point to a critical situation. Some drivers also stated that they have to visit their local repair garage for safety checks and other measures. That is right, and we welcome the fact that they are doing that to keep their cars roadworthy. That effectively, however, amounts to having to pay in lieu as well, as another cost added on to a valid MOT. Simply stating that Mallusk and Hydebank will be open and all our problems will disappear is, in some respects, wishful thinking. First, we need staffing capacity in the system, and, secondly, we need the plan going forward. I recognise that there were some 50,000 no-shows, and that is a problem as well. From this Chamber, we have to say, "If you have a MOT appointment, please turn up." We should be drilling down into those figures to find out why such huge numbers of people were not turning up for their MOT appointment. Was it that they got earlier appointments and the system did not correct the cancellations, or were there genuine no-shows? If so, what can we do to lower that number? Not least, do we need a public messaging campaign in relation to the matter? I want to see improvements happen, and I am in solution mode. I want to see an ambitious, costed plan coming forward, whether measures need to be introduced temporarily or whether we need to see measures — we do need to see measures — implemented for the long term. We must grasp this issue here and now, before the situation gets any worse. I commend the motion to the House.
1,265 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.03 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.97).
- No identity-based framing was identified (1.00).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.03 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.01 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.02 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.03 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.97 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.03 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 1.00 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.62 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.23 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.07 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.06 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.01 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 09:52 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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