Debate contribution: Coronavirus Act 2020 (Extension of Powers to Act for the Protection of Public Health) (No. 2) Order (Northern Ireland) 2023
Debate contribution by Miss Nuala McAllister on .
- MLA
- Miss Nuala McAllister
- Party at the time
- Alliance Party
- Date
- 11 March 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Executive Committee Business
- Heading
- Coronavirus Act 2020 (Extension of Powers to Act for the Protection of Public Health) (No. 2) Order (Northern Ireland) 2023
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4269585
Read the official Assembly record
Text
Like Members who have spoken previously, I will talk about the uncomfortable position that we all found ourselves in when the pandemic first came around, back in 2020. We recognise that the decisions were taken on very difficult terms but that they were necessary to deal with the situation which we found ourselves in. All the parties in the Executive felt that we were in uncharted territories but that we had to manage it as best we could. Like the three previous contributors, I highlight the point that we now live in what is almost a post-pandemic era, so to speak. Although some Departments make everyday use of the Coronavirus Act, we are in a different situation with the order that the Minister moved. I have one question, an answer to which I seek from the Minister in his winding-up speech. It relates to whether these orders —. Sorry, I must remember that only one order has been moved. It relates to the effect from the order falling. What consequences will that have on lives in Northern Ireland and, importantly, on the Department of Health? I focus on that issue because a lot of Departments rely on the regulations that were made in the past few years. Their content has become part and parcel of everyday life in Departments. We have just debated the use of live links in the Department of Justice, but there are also issues around hybrid meetings in the Department for Communities, and other issues can be added to that list. It is more about living in a post-pandemic era, in which there has been cost-effectiveness and positive effects from the regulations that were put in place. There have been things that have benefited not only society but how the Executive can manage matters. I recognise that we had two years of a suspension, and I respect the fact that any Bill that must be introduced is not ready to be introduced, but, like the other contributors, I hope that the Minister can understand the discomfort and unease over the situation in which we find ourselves, whereby we are essentially approving powers that enable a decision to be taken that would enter us into some sort of pandemic response again. When officials came to the Committee, we asked direct questions about the effect of COVID and the variants that are currently in Northern Ireland. We were told that there are no variants that are causing immediate concern. I therefore ask the Minister to outline the difference that introducing enabling legislation would make, or the impact that it would have, if he did not have the order in place. If it did not exist, what difference would it make to dealing with any future pandemic that might arise? We have moved on from where we were in 2020, and, especially for us as a liberal party, decisions to impose any regulations on society cannot be taken lightly. The order's full impact must be considered, and we therefore want to see primary legislation introduced. I understand, however, the position in which the Minister has been put as a result of our not having an Assembly. I look forward to hearing his response to my questions. I also reiterate, alongside Health Committee members, that this is an uncomfortable order. It does not sit lightly, given its impact on freedom of movement and its restrictions on everyday life, especially for a party that values the role that everyone plays in society. I look forward to hearing the Minister's winding-up speech.
590 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.03 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.91).
- No identity-based framing was identified (1.00).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.03 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.02 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.01 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.02 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.03 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.91 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.03 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 1.00 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.00 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.96 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.02 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.01 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.01 |
| Flags, emblems, symbols, names and memorials | 0.00 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 09:47 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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