Debate contribution: Public-sector Pay
Debate contribution by Mr Colin McGrath on .
- MLA
- Mr Colin McGrath
- Party at the time
- Social Democratic and Labour Party
- Date
- 4 March 2024
- Type
- Debate contribution
- Business
- Opposition Business
- Heading
- Public-sector Pay
- Assembly identifier
- Official Report component 4254760
Read the official Assembly record
Text
I welcome the opportunity to wind on the debate. It is an important one for many people. It shows the important role of an Opposition. It is not about just shouting from the sidelines or being opposed to the Executive for the sake of being opposed; this has allowed us to highlight the issues that are critical to people right across this place. Surely, after more than a decade of stop-go politics, it is time for change. Stop-go politics does not serve anyone's interests. It does not deliver positive outcomes for the public. It has been effective in diminishing people's trust in politics, damaging public services and delivering a decade of pay erosion for those in our public sector. Today's business is important. It highlights the importance of having the Opposition here in the Assembly, even though one Member took to Twitter last week to refer to the Opposition as an irrelevance. It is time for reform. The need for reform is evidenced so clearly by the matter of pay. Since 2010, our nurses have suffered a year-on-year real-terms reduction in pay, so much so that experienced nurses are being paid, in real terms, the same amount for five days of work now as they were being paid for four days of work in 2010. Grade-5 nurses here can earn between £27,000 and £33,000. Meanwhile, in the South, they can earn between €33,000 and €50,000. What about our doctors? In the South, their wage can range from €102,000 to €121,000, which is almost a third more than they get here. To set that in a specific context, although the amount that we pay our healthcare staff has eroded over the past 10 years, the amount that, for example, we expect them to pay for a house has skyrocketed above the rate of inflation. In 2012, the average house cost 3·7 times the salary of a top band-5 nurse. It is now five times that salary. Let us think of our domiciliary carers. Those heroes are out and about in our community providing a lifeline for so many, but they are grossly underpaid. Forcing them to pay for their petrol and, at times, equipment tells those key public-sector workers that this and previous Executives do not care about them. For them, we need to see public-sector pay reform. Our teachers, too, working in classrooms right across this place, more often than not take work home with them in the evenings and purchase their own resources, because of their passion for teaching, instilling knowledge in our young people and forging leaders for the future. There are even principals who went out and bought toilet rolls for their school because the school budget had run out. For those public-sector workers, we must see public-sector pay reform. Whether you are a refuse collector, a consultant, a teacher or a cleaner — whichever public-sector role you play — you have been let down by these institutions, by Executive after Executive and by collapse after collapse, and that needs to change.
Absolutely. We hear time and time again that the Tories are the big, bad beast, yet, for five of the past seven years, we have left them in charge. We have let them take the decisions. We have let them put their ideology on our public-sector workers. Then what do Members do? They complain that the Tories have done that. We demand that reform begin now. We are under no illusions, however, that the reform that we seek in order to make good for the people of Northern Ireland has to be made here, not in London. Just one month in for these institutions, we have had a party leader — an Executive Minister — say that the Secretary of State, who is currently polishing his CV and having his P45 drawn up, needs to do the heavy lifting on reform. That is the same Secretary of State who has proven himself to act against the wishes of people here, with no understanding of what life here is like.
Time and time again, people have said that it is London that needs to take the decisions, yet, every time that you speak to it, London says that it is up to the parties here to take the decisions. We should start by taking the decision here that we want to see reform, and then, I hope, change will follow. It is time to put an end to failure. Addressing the issue of public-sector pay is inherently tied to the reform of these institutions. We cannot and must not divorce poor public-sector pay from the collapse of these institutions. That is why we, as the Opposition, sequenced today's motions.
We saw already today who voted for the opportunity for reform and who voted against it. It is worth noting that those who voted against reform are likely to be the ones who will be complaining in the future if there is any collapse and about the impact of that on public-sector pay. Significant pay divergence, which is the opposite of pay parity, occurred when there was no Executive — also, shamelessly, when there actually was an Executive. Our nurses, doctors, teachers, civil servants and others have been forced to work here for less, doing the same jobs as those in other places. That is totally unfair. To the public-sector workers, the grafters of our community, I say this: when a Member of an Executive party complains about the amount that you, as a public-sector worker, are being paid and say that it is a disgrace, remember that they set your wages, and, time and again, they set them too low. Then, when they allowed the collapse of these institutions, it was the Tories who set the wages. We must remember other things. RHI got sorted. The social investment fund got paid. Pet projects were developed and funded, but public-sector wages were not. If any of them tell you that your current pay level is too low, remind them that it is because they set it too low. Tell them to wipe the crocodile tears from their eyes and demand that pay parity is locked in for the future so that it cannot diverge again. That would be true public-sector pay reform. I will take a quick look at some of the remarks made during the debate. "Blame the Tories" — as ever, they blame the Tories even though they took some of the decisions. It was remarked that it was a job for all politicians to resolve. It is for the Executive to resolve the pay for the public sector here. To hear that there is some money, but not enough, is not going to be comforting for public-sector workers. Time and again we heard that the biggest impact on public-sector pay was the collapse of these institutions, which only two parties brought down. Of course, there were Mr Frew's contributions, which were typically drab and childish. Those who fear what is being said know that they are losing the game —
— when they play the player and not the ball. I thank my colleague Cara Hunter for highlighting the fact that lower pay rips families and workers from —
Mr Deputy Speaker, I am being interrupted here. I am sorry, I am not giving way. We heard from the Minister that people have waited too long for the pay award in 2023-24, but that has been in no small part because of the contribution of parties collapsing the institutions. I hope that Members will support the motion and be part of the positive change that we want to see in this shared home place. It is time for that change; that time is now. With so many swipes at us as an Opposition today, I look forward to seeing everyone in the Chamber voting to support public-sector pay.
1,314 words. Text as published by the Northern Ireland Assembly.
Assessment
Jev’s structured answers met the documented threshold for “not flagged”.
- Overall probability that the activity is being used to promote, exploit or escalate an identity-based controversy: 0.11 (flagging needs at least 0.70; at or below 0.30 is not flagged).
- None of the five culture-war criteria was met (each was below 0.60).
- Assessed as legitimate policy scrutiny (0.85).
- No identity-based framing was identified (0.97).
- The overall probability was at or below the not-flagging threshold.
This is an AI-generated assessment of the text, made against published criteria. It is not a finding of fact about the MLA or their intentions. The Assembly record itself is the fact.
Jev’s structured answers
| Question | Probability | Met? |
|---|---|---|
| Identity framing | 0.08 | No |
| Sectarian or communal antagonism | 0.07 | No |
| Cultural grievance politics | 0.02 | No |
| Dog-whistle messaging | 0.13 | No |
| Controversy escalation | 0.08 | No |
| Legitimate policy scrutiny | 0.85 | Yes |
| Overall judgement | 0.11 | At or below not-flagging threshold |
| Option | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-based framing (chosen) | 0.97 |
| Reports or questions it | 0.00 |
| Criticises or condemns it | 0.00 |
| Adopts it | 0.03 |
| Subject | Probability |
|---|---|
| No identity-related subject | 0.92 |
| Constitutional question, Brexit, the Windsor Framework and sovereignty | 0.04 |
| Sectarianism, hate crime and community relations | 0.02 |
| Gender, sexuality, abortion and related social issues | 0.01 |
| Another identity-related subject | 0.01 |
Assessed 21 October 2026 at 09:43 UTC by jev-1.13.0 (requested as typesafe/jev) under rubric 2026.10-r9, methodology 1.9.
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